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25:1 Locutusque est Dominus ad Moysen in monte Sinai, dicens :
* Footnotes
  • A.M. 2514.
And the Lord spoke to Moses in mount Sinai, saying:
Καὶ ἐλάλησε Κύριος πρὸς Μωυσῆν ἐν τῷ ὄρει Σινᾷ, λέγων,
וַ/יְדַבֵּ֤ר יְהוָה֙ אֶל מֹשֶׁ֔ה בְּ/הַ֥ר סִינַ֖י לֵ/אמֹֽר
25:2 Loquere filiis Israel, et dices ad eos : Quando ingressi fueritis terram quam ego dabo vobis, sabbatizes sabbatum Domino.
*H Speak to the children of Israel, and thou shalt say to them: When you shall have entered into the land which I will give you, observe the rest of the sabbath of the Lord.


Ver. 2. The rest (sabbathises sabbatum). The land was to enjoy the benefit of rest every seventh year, to remind God's people that he had created the world, and that he still retained dominion over it, (S. Aug. q. 91. 92,) requiring the spontaneous fruits of that year as a tribute, part of which he gave to the poor. In the mean time, all creatures rested from their labours, and the people were taught to have an entire confidence in Providence. C. — This law was given in the desert of Sinai, in the month of Nisan, the second year after the exit: but it did not begin to be in force, till the Hebrews entered into the land of Chanaan. H.

λάλησον τοῖς υἱοῖς Ἰσραὴλ, καὶ ἐρεῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς, ὅταν εἰσέλθητε εἰς τὴν γῆν, ἣν ἐγὼ δίδωμι ὑμῖν, καὶ ἀναπαύσεται ἡ γῆ, ἣν ἐγὼ δίδωμι ὑμῖν, σάββατα τῷ Κυρίῳ.
דַּבֵּ֞ר אֶל בְּנֵ֤י יִשְׂרָאֵל֙ וְ/אָמַרְתָּ֣ אֲלֵ/הֶ֔ם כִּ֤י תָבֹ֨אוּ֙ אֶל הָ/אָ֔רֶץ אֲשֶׁ֥ר אֲנִ֖י נֹתֵ֣ן לָ/כֶ֑ם וְ/שָׁבְתָ֣ה הָ/אָ֔רֶץ שַׁבָּ֖ת לַ/יהוָֽה
25:3 Sex annis seres agrum tuum, et sex annis putabis vineam tuam, colligesque fructus ejus :
* Footnotes
  • * Exodus 23:10
    Six years thou shalt sow thy ground, and shalt gather the corn thereof.
Six years thou shalt sow thy field and six years thou shalt prune thy vineyard, and shalt gather the fruits thereof.
Ἓξ ἔτη σπερεῖς τὸν ἀγρόν σου, καὶ ἓξ ἔτη τεμεῖς τὴν ἄμπελόν σου, καὶ συνάξεις τὸν καρπὸν αὐτῆς.
שֵׁ֤שׁ שָׁנִים֙ תִּזְרַ֣ע שָׂדֶ֔/ךָ וְ/שֵׁ֥שׁ שָׁנִ֖ים תִּזְמֹ֣ר כַּרְמֶ֑/ךָ וְ/אָסַפְתָּ֖ אֶת תְּבוּאָתָֽ/הּ
25:4 septimo autem anno sabbatum erit terrae, requietionis Domini : agrum non seres, et vineam non putabis.
But in the seventh year there shall be a sabbath to the land, of the resting of the Lord. Thou shalt not sow thy field, nor prune thy vineyard.
Τῷ δὲ ἔτει τῷ ἑβδόμῳ σάββατα· ἀνάπαυσις ἔσται τῇ γῇ, σάββατα τῷ Κυρίῳ· τὸν ἀγρόν σου οὐ σπερεῖς, καὶ τὴν ἄμπελόν σου οὐ τεμεῖς,
וּ/בַ/שָּׁנָ֣ה הַ/שְּׁבִיעִ֗ת שַׁבַּ֤ת שַׁבָּתוֹן֙ יִהְיֶ֣ה לָ/אָ֔רֶץ שַׁבָּ֖ת לַ/יהוָ֑ה שָֽׂדְ/ךָ֙ לֹ֣א תִזְרָ֔ע וְ/כַרְמְ/ךָ֖ לֹ֥א תִזְמֹֽר
* Summa
*S Part 2, Ques 105, Article 2

[I-II, Q. 105, Art. 2]

Whether the Judicial Precepts Were Suitably Framed As to the Relations of One Man with Another?

Objection 1: It would seem that the judicial precepts were not suitably framed as regards the relations of one man with another. Because men cannot live together in peace, if one man takes what belongs to another. But this seems to have been approved by the Law: since it is written (Deut. 23:24): "Going into thy neighbor's vineyard, thou mayest eat as many grapes as thou pleasest." Therefore the Old Law did not make suitable provisions for man's peace.

Obj. 2: Further, one of the chief causes of the downfall of states has been the holding of property by women, as the Philosopher says (Polit. ii, 6). But this was introduced by the Old Law; for it is written (Num. 27:8): "When a man dieth without a son, his inheritance shall pass to his daughter." Therefore the Law made unsuitable provision for the welfare of the people.

Obj. 3: Further, it is most conducive to the preservation of human society that men may provide themselves with necessaries by buying and selling, as stated in _Polit._ i. But the Old Law took away the force of sales; since it prescribes that in the 50th year of the jubilee all that is sold shall return to the vendor (Lev. 25:28). Therefore in this matter the Law gave the people an unfitting command.

Obj. 4: Further, man's needs require that men should be ready to lend: which readiness ceases if the creditors do not return the pledges: hence it is written (Ecclus. 29:10): "Many have refused to lend, not out of wickedness, but they were afraid to be defrauded without cause." And yet this was encouraged by the Law. First, because it prescribed (Deut. 15:2): "He to whom any thing is owing from his friend or neighbor or brother, cannot demand it again, because it is the year of remission of the Lord"; and (Ex. 22:15) it is stated that if a borrowed animal should die while the owner is present, the borrower is not bound to make restitution. Secondly, because the security acquired through the pledge is lost: for it is written (Deut. 24:10): "When thou shalt demand of thy neighbor any thing that he oweth thee, thou shalt not go into his house to take away a pledge"; and again (Deut. 24:12, 13): "The pledge shall not lodge with thee that night, but thou shalt restore it to him presently." Therefore the Law made insufficient provision in the matter of loans.

Obj. 5: Further, considerable risk attaches to goods deposited with a fraudulent depositary: wherefore great caution should be observed in such matters: hence it is stated in 2 Mac. 3:15 that "the priests . . . called upon Him from heaven, Who made the law concerning things given to be kept, that He would preserve them safe, for them that had deposited them." But the precepts of the Old Law observed little caution in regard to deposits: since it is prescribed (Ex. 22:10, 11) that when goods deposited are lost, the owner is to stand by the oath of the depositary. Therefore the Law made unsuitable provision in this matter.

Obj. 6: Further, just as a workman offers his work for hire, so do men let houses and so forth. But there is no need for the tenant to pay his rent as soon as he takes a house. Therefore it seems an unnecessarily hard prescription (Lev. 19:13) that "the wages of him that hath been hired by thee shall not abide with thee until morning."

Obj. 7: Further, since there is often pressing need for a judge, it should be easy to gain access to one. It was therefore unfitting that the Law (Deut. 17:8, 9) should command them to go to a fixed place to ask for judgment on doubtful matters.

Obj. 8: Further, it is possible that not only two, but three or more, should agree to tell a lie. Therefore it is unreasonably stated (Deut. 19:15) that "in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall stand."

Objection 9: Further, punishment should be fixed according to the gravity of the fault: for which reason also it is written (Deut. 25:2): "According to the measure of the sin, shall the measure also of the stripes be." Yet the Law fixed unequal punishments for certain faults: for it is written (Ex. 22:1) that the thief "shall restore five oxen for one ox, and four sheep for one sheep." Moreover, certain slight offenses are severely punished: thus (Num. 15:32, seqq.) a man is stoned for gathering sticks on the sabbath day: and (Deut. 21:18, seqq.) the unruly son is commanded to be stoned on account of certain small transgressions, viz. because "he gave himself to revelling . . . and banquetings." Therefore the Law prescribed punishments in an unreasonable manner.

Objection 10: Further, as Augustine says (De Civ. Dei xxi, 11), "Tully writes that the laws recognize eight forms of punishment, indemnity, prison, stripes, retaliation, public disgrace, exile, death, slavery." Now some of these were prescribed by the Law. "Indemnity," as when a thief was condemned to make restitution fivefold or fourfold. "Prison," as when (Num. 15:34) a certain man is ordered to be imprisoned. "Stripes"; thus (Deut. 25:2), "if they see that the offender be worthy of stripes; they shall lay him down, and shall cause him to be beaten before them." "Public disgrace" was brought on to him who refused to take to himself the wife of his deceased brother, for she took "off his shoe from his foot, and" did "spit in his face" (Deut. 25:9). It prescribed the "death" penalty, as is clear from (Lev. 20:9): "He that curseth his father, or mother, dying let him die." The Law also recognized the "lex talionis," by prescribing (Ex. 21:24): "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth." Therefore it seems unreasonable that the Law should not have inflicted the two other punishments, viz. "exile" and "slavery."

Objection 11: Further, no punishment is due except for a fault. But dumb animals cannot commit a fault. Therefore the Law is unreasonable in punishing them (Ex. 21:29): "If the ox . . . shall kill a man or a woman," it "shall be stoned": and (Lev. 20:16): "The woman that shall lie under any beast, shall be killed together with the same." Therefore it seems that matters pertaining to the relations of one man with another were unsuitably regulated by the Law.

Objection 12: Further, the Lord commanded (Ex. 21:12) a murderer to be punished with death. But the death of a dumb animal is reckoned of much less account than the slaying of a man. Hence murder cannot be sufficiently punished by the slaying of a dumb animal. Therefore it is unfittingly prescribed (Deut. 21:1, 4) that "when there shall be found . . . the corpse of a man slain, and it is not known who is guilty of the murder . . . the ancients" of the nearest city "shall take a heifer of the herd, that hath not drawn in the yoke, nor ploughed the ground, and they shall bring her into a rough and stony valley, that never was ploughed, nor sown; and there they shall strike off the head of the heifer."

_On the contrary,_ It is recalled as a special blessing (Ps. 147:20) that "He hath not done in like manner to every nation; and His judgments He hath not made manifest to them."

_I answer that,_ As Augustine says (De Civ. Dei ii, 21), quoting Tully, "a nation is a body of men united together by consent to the law and by community of welfare." Consequently it is of the essence of a nation that the mutual relations of the citizens be ordered by just laws. Now the relations of one man with another are twofold: some are effected under the guidance of those in authority: others are effected by the will of private individuals. And since whatever is subject to the power of an individual can be disposed of according to his will, hence it is that the decision of matters between one man and another, and the punishment of evildoers, depend on the direction of those in authority, to whom men are subject. On the other hand, the power of private persons is exercised over the things they possess: and consequently their dealings with one another, as regards such things, depend on their own will, for instance in buying, selling, giving, and so forth. Now the Law provided sufficiently in respect of each of these relations between one man and another. For it established judges, as is clearly indicated in Deut. 16:18: "Thou shalt appoint judges and magistrates in all its [Vulg.: 'thy'] gates . . . that they may judge the people with just judgment." It is also directed the manner of pronouncing just judgments, according to Deut. 1:16, 17: "Judge that which is just, whether he be one of your own country or a stranger: there shall be no difference of persons." It also removed an occasion of pronouncing unjust judgment, by forbidding judges to accept bribes (Ex. 23:8; Deut. 16:19). It prescribed the number of witnesses, viz. two or three: and it appointed certain punishments to certain crimes, as we shall state farther on (ad 10).

But with regard to possessions, it is a very good thing, says the Philosopher (Polit. ii, 2) that the things possessed should be distinct, and the use thereof should be partly common, and partly granted to others by the will of the possessors. These three points were provided for by the Law. Because, in the first place, the possessions themselves were divided among individuals: for it is written (Num. 33:53, 54): "I have given you" the land "for a possession: and you shall divide it among you by lot." And since many states have been ruined through want of regulations in the matter of possessions, as the Philosopher observes (Polit. ii, 6); therefore the Law provided a threefold remedy against the irregularity of possessions. The first was that they should be divided equally, wherefore it is written (Num. 33:54): "To the more you shall give a larger part, and to the fewer, a lesser." A second remedy was that possessions could not be alienated for ever, but after a certain lapse of time should return to their former owner, so as to avoid confusion of possessions (cf. ad 3). The third remedy aimed at the removal of this confusion, and provided that the dead should be succeeded by their next of kin: in the first place, the son; secondly, the daughter; thirdly, the brother; fourthly, the father's brother; fifthly, any other next of kin. Furthermore, in order to preserve the distinction of property, the Law enacted that heiresses should marry within their own tribe, as recorded in Num. 36:6.

Secondly, the Law commanded that, in some respects, the use of things should belong to all in common. Firstly, as regards the care of them; for it was prescribed (Deut. 22:1-4): "Thou shalt not pass by, if thou seest thy brother's ox or his sheep go astray; but thou shalt bring them back to thy brother," and in like manner as to other things. Secondly, as regards fruits. For all alike were allowed on entering a friend's vineyard to eat of the fruit, but not to take any away. And, specially, with respect to the poor, it was prescribed that the forgotten sheaves, and the bunches of grapes and fruit, should be left behind for them (Lev. 19:9; Deut. 24:19). Moreover, whatever grew in the seventh year was common property, as stated in Ex. 23:11 and Lev. 25:4.

Thirdly, the law recognized the transference of goods by the owner. There was a purely gratuitous transfer: thus it is written (Deut. 14:28, 29): "The third day thou shalt separate another tithe . . . and the Levite . . . and the stranger, and the fatherless, and the widow . . . shall come and shall eat and be filled." And there was a transfer for a consideration, for instance, by selling and buying, by letting out and hiring, by loan and also by deposit, concerning all of which we find that the Law made ample provision. Consequently it is clear that the Old Law provided sufficiently concerning the mutual relations of one man with another.

Reply Obj. 1: As the Apostle says (Rom. 13:8), "he that loveth his neighbor hath fulfilled the Law": because, to wit, all the precepts of the Law, chiefly those concerning our neighbor, seem to aim at the end that men should love one another. Now it is an effect of love that men give their own goods to others: because, as stated in 1 John 3:17: "He that . . . shall see his brother in need, and shall shut up his bowels from him: how doth the charity of God abide in him?" Hence the purpose of the Law was to accustom men to give of their own to others readily: thus the Apostle (1 Tim. 6:18) commands the rich "to give easily and to communicate to others." Now a man does not give easily to others if he will not suffer another man to take some little thing from him without any great injury to him. And so the Law laid down that it should be lawful for a man, on entering his neighbor's vineyard, to eat of the fruit there: but not to carry any away, lest this should lead to the infliction of a grievous harm, and cause a disturbance of the peace: for among well-behaved people, the taking of a little does not disturb the peace; in fact, it rather strengthens friendship and accustoms men to give things to one another.

Reply Obj. 2: The Law did not prescribe that women should succeed to their father's estate except in default of male issue: failing which it was necessary that succession should be granted to the female line in order to comfort the father, who would have been sad to think that his estate would pass to strangers. Nevertheless the Law observed due caution in the matter, by providing that those women who succeeded to their father's estate, should marry within their own tribe, in order to avoid confusion of tribal possessions, as stated in Num. 36:7, 8.

Reply Obj. 3: As the Philosopher says (Polit. ii, 4), the regulation of possessions conduces much to the preservation of a state or nation. Consequently, as he himself observes, it was forbidden by the law in some of the heathen states, "that anyone should sell his possessions, except to avoid a manifest loss." For if possessions were to be sold indiscriminately, they might happen to come into the hands of a few: so that it might become necessary for a state or country to become void of inhabitants. Hence the Old Law, in order to remove this danger, ordered things in such a way that while provision was made for men's needs, by allowing the sale of possessions to avail for a certain period, at the same time the said danger was removed, by prescribing the return of those possessions after that period had elapsed. The reason for this law was to prevent confusion of possessions, and to ensure the continuance of a definite distinction among the tribes.

But as the town houses were not allotted to distinct estates, therefore the Law allowed them to be sold in perpetuity, like movable goods. Because the number of houses in a town was not fixed, whereas there was a fixed limit to the amount of estates, which could not be exceeded, while the number of houses in a town could be increased. On the other hand, houses situated not in a town, but "in a village that hath no walls," could not be sold in perpetuity: because such houses are built merely with a view to the cultivation and care of possessions; wherefore the Law rightly made the same prescription in regard to both (Lev. 25).

Reply Obj. 4: As stated above (ad 1), the purpose of the Law was to accustom men to its precepts, so as to be ready to come to one another's assistance: because this is a very great incentive to friendship. The Law granted these facilities for helping others in the matter not only of gratuitous and absolute donations, but also of mutual transfers: because the latter kind of succor is more frequent and benefits the greater number: and it granted facilities for this purpose in many ways. First of all by prescribing that men should be ready to lend, and that they should not be less inclined to do so as the year of remission drew nigh, as stated in Deut. 15:7, seqq. Secondly, by forbidding them to burden a man to whom they might grant a loan, either by exacting usury, or by accepting necessities of life in security; and by prescribing that when this had been done they should be restored at once. For it is written (Deut. 23:19): "Thou shalt not lend to thy brother money to usury": and (Deut. 24:6): "Thou shalt not take the nether nor the upper millstone to pledge; for he hath pledged his life to thee": and (Ex. 22:26): "If thou take of thy neighbor a garment in pledge, thou shalt give it him again before sunset." Thirdly, by forbidding them to be importunate in exacting payment. Hence it is written (Ex. 22:25): "If thou lend money to any of my people that is poor that dwelleth with thee, thou shalt not be hard upon them as an extortioner." For this reason, too, it is enacted (Deut. 24:10, 11): "When thou shalt demand of thy neighbor anything that he oweth thee, thou shalt not go into his house to take away a pledge, but thou shalt stand without, and he shall bring out to thee what he hath": both because a man's house is his surest refuge, wherefore it is offensive to a man to be set upon in his own house; and because the Law does not allow the creditor to take away whatever he likes in security, but rather permits the debtor to give what he needs least. Fourthly, the Law prescribed that debts should cease together after the lapse of seven years. For it was probable that those who could conveniently pay their debts, would do so before the seventh year, and would not defraud the lender without cause. But if they were altogether insolvent, there was the same reason for remitting the debt from love for them, as there was for renewing the loan on account of their need.

As regards animals granted in loan, the Law enacted that if, through the neglect of the person to whom they were lent, they perished or deteriorated in his absence, he was bound to make restitution. But if they perished or deteriorated while he was present and taking proper care of them, he was not bound to make restitution, especially if they were hired for a consideration: because they might have died or deteriorated in the same way if they had remained in possession of the lender, so that if the animal had been saved through being lent, the lender would have gained something by the loan which would no longer have been gratuitous. And especially was this to be observed when animals were hired for a consideration: because then the owner received a certain price for the use of the animals; wherefore he had no right to any profit, by receiving indemnity for the animal, unless the person who had charge of it were negligent. In the case, however, of animals not hired for a consideration, equity demanded that he should receive something by way of restitution at least to the value of the hire of the animal that had perished or deteriorated.

Reply Obj. 5: The difference between a loan and a deposit is that a loan is in respect of goods transferred for the use of the person to whom they are transferred, whereas a deposit is for the benefit of the depositor. Hence in certain cases there was a stricter obligation of returning a loan than of restoring goods held in deposit. Because the latter might be lost in two ways. First, unavoidably: i.e. either through a natural cause, for instance if an animal held in deposit were to die or depreciate in value; or through an extrinsic cause, for instance, if it were taken by an enemy, or devoured by a beast (in which case, however, a man was bound to restore to the owner what was left of the animal thus slain): whereas in the other cases mentioned above, he was not bound to make restitution; but only to take an oath in order to clear himself of suspicion. Secondly, the goods deposited might be lost through an avoidable cause, for instance by theft: and then the depositary was bound to restitution on account of his neglect. But, as stated above (ad 4), he who held an animal on loan, was bound to restitution, even if he were absent when it depreciated or died: because he was held responsible for less negligence than a depositary, who was only held responsible in case of theft.

Reply Obj. 6: Workmen who offer their labor for hire, are poor men who toil for their daily bread: and therefore the Law commanded wisely that they should be paid at once, lest they should lack food. But they who offer other commodities for hire, are wont to be rich: nor are they in such need of their price in order to gain a livelihood: and consequently the comparison does not hold.

Reply Obj. 7: The purpose for which judges are appointed among men, is that they may decide doubtful points in matters of justice. Now a matter may be doubtful in two ways. First, among simple-minded people: and in order to remove doubts of this kind, it was prescribed (Deut. 16:18) that "judges and magistrates" should be appointed in each tribe, "to judge the people with just judgment." Secondly, a matter may be doubtful even among experts: and therefore, in order to remove doubts of this kind, the Law prescribed that all should foregather in some chief place chosen by God, where there would be both the high-priest, who would decide doubtful matters relating to the ceremonies of divine worship; and the chief judge of the people, who would decide matters relating to the judgments of men: just as even now cases are taken from a lower to a higher court either by appeal or by consultation. Hence it is written (Deut. 17:8, 9): "If thou perceive that there be among you a hard and doubtful matter in judgment . . . and thou see that the words of the judges within thy gates do vary; arise and go up to the place, which the Lord thy God shall choose; and thou shalt come to the priests of the Levitical race, and to the judge that shall be at that time." But such like doubtful matters did not often occur for judgment: wherefore the people were not burdened on this account.

Reply Obj. 8: In the business affairs of men, there is no such thing as demonstrative and infallible proof, and we must be content with a certain conjectural probability, such as that which an orator employs to persuade. Consequently, although it is quite possible for two or three witnesses to agree to a falsehood, yet it is neither easy nor probable that they succeed in so doing: wherefore their testimony is taken as being true, especially if they do not waver in giving it, or are not otherwise suspect. Moreover, in order that witnesses might not easily depart from the truth, the Law commanded that they should be most carefully examined, and that those who were found untruthful should be severely punished, as stated in Deut. 19:16, seqq.

There was, however, a reason for fixing on this particular number, in token of the unerring truth of the Divine Persons, Who are sometimes mentioned as two, because the Holy Ghost is the bond of the other two Persons; and sometimes as three: as Augustine observes on John 8:17: "In your law it is written that the testimony of two men is true."

Reply Obj. 9: A severe punishment is inflicted not only on account of the gravity of a fault, but also for other reasons. First, on account of the greatness of the sin, because a greater sin, other things being equal, deserves a greater punishment. Secondly, on account of a habitual sin, since men are not easily cured of habitual sin except by severe punishments. Thirdly, on account of a great desire for or a great pleasure in the sin: for men are not easily deterred from such sins unless they be severely punished. Fourthly, on account of the facility of committing a sin and of concealing it: for such like sins, when discovered, should be more severely punished in order to deter others from committing them.

Again, with regard to the greatness of a sin, four degrees may be observed, even in respect of one single deed. The first is when a sin is committed unwillingly; because then, if the sin be altogether involuntary, man is altogether excused from punishment; for it is written (Deut. 22:25, seqq.) that a damsel who suffers violence in a field is not guilty of death, because "she cried, and there was no man to help her." But if a man sinned in any way voluntarily, and yet through weakness, as for instance when a man sins from passion, the sin is diminished: and the punishment, according to true judgment, should be diminished also; unless perchance the common weal requires that the sin be severely punished in order to deter others from committing such sins, as stated above. The second degree is when a man sins through ignorance: and then he was held to be guilty to a certain extent, on account of his negligence in acquiring knowledge: yet he was not punished by the judges but expiated his sin by sacrifices. Hence it is written (Lev. 4:2): "The soul that sinneth through ignorance," etc. This is, however, to be taken as applying to ignorance of fact; and not to ignorance of the Divine precept, which all were bound to know. The third degree was when a man sinned from pride, i.e. through deliberate choice or malice: and then he was punished according to the greatness of the sin [*Cf. Deut. 25:2]. The fourth degree was when a man sinned from stubbornness or obstinacy: and then he was to be utterly cut off as a rebel and a destroyer of the commandment of the Law [*Cf. Num. 15:30, 31].

Accordingly we must say that, in appointing the punishment for theft, the Law considered what would be likely to happen most frequently (Ex. 22:1-9): wherefore, as regards theft of other things which can easily be safeguarded from a thief, the thief restored only twice their value. But sheep cannot be easily safeguarded from a thief, because they graze in the fields: wherefore it happened more frequently that sheep were stolen in the fields. Consequently the Law inflicted a heavier penalty, by ordering four sheep to be restored for the theft of one. As to cattle, they were yet more difficult to safeguard, because they are kept in the fields, and do not graze in flocks as sheep do; wherefore a yet more heavy penalty was inflicted in their regard, so that five oxen were to be restored for one ox. And this I say, unless perchance the animal itself were discovered in the thief's possession: because in that case he had to restore only twice the number, as in the case of other thefts: for there was reason to presume that he intended to restore the animal, since he kept it alive. Again, we might say, according to a gloss, that "a cow is useful in five ways: it may be used for sacrifice, for ploughing, for food, for milk, and its hide is employed for various purposes": and therefore for one cow five had to be restored. But the sheep was useful in four ways: "for sacrifice, for meat, for milk, and for its wool." The unruly son was slain, not because he ate and drank: but on account of his stubbornness and rebellion, which was always punished by death, as stated above. As to the man who gathered sticks on the sabbath, he was stoned as a breaker of the Law, which commanded the sabbath to be observed, to testify the belief in the newness of the world, as stated above (Q. 100, A. 5): wherefore he was slain as an unbeliever.

Reply Obj. 10: The Old Law inflicted the death penalty for the more grievous crimes, viz. for those which are committed against God, and for murder, for stealing a man, irreverence towards one's parents, adultery and incest. In the case of thief of other things it inflicted punishment by indemnification: while in the case of blows and mutilation it authorized punishment by retaliation; and likewise for the sin of bearing false witness. In other faults of less degree it prescribed the punishment of stripes or of public disgrace.

The punishment of slavery was prescribed by the Law in two cases. First, in the case of a slave who was unwilling to avail himself of the privilege granted by the Law, whereby he was free to depart in the seventh year of remission: wherefore he was punished by remaining a slave for ever. Secondly, in the case of a thief, who had not wherewith to make restitution, as stated in Ex. 22:3.

The punishment of absolute exile was not prescribed by the Law: because God was worshipped by that people alone, whereas all other nations were given to idolatry: wherefore if any man were exiled from that people absolutely, he would be in danger of falling into idolatry. For this reason it is related (1 Kings 26:19) that David said to Saul: "They are cursed in the sight of the Lord, who have cast me out this day, that I should not dwell in the inheritance of the Lord, saying: Go, serve strange gods." There was, however, a restricted sort of exile: for it is written in Deut. 19:4 [*Cf. Num. 35:25] that "he that striketh [Vulg.: 'killeth'] his neighbor ignorantly, and is proved to have had no hatred against him, shall flee to one of the cities" of refuge and "abide there until the death of the high-priest." For then it became lawful for him to return home, because when the whole people thus suffered a loss they forgot their private quarrels, so that the next of kin of the slain were not so eager to kill the slayer.

Reply Obj. 11: Dumb animals were ordered to be slain, not on account of any fault of theirs; but as a punishment to their owners, who had not safeguarded their beasts from these offenses. Hence the owner was more severely punished if his ox had butted anyone "yesterday or the day before" (in which case steps might have been taken to avoid the danger) than if it had taken to butting suddenly.--Or again, the animal was slain in detestation of the sin; and lest men should be horrified at the sight thereof.

Reply Obj. 12: The literal reason for this commandment, as Rabbi Moses declares (Doct. Perplex. iii), was because the slayer was frequently from the nearest city: wherefore the slaying of the calf was a means of investigating the hidden murder. This was brought about in three ways. In the first place the elders of the city swore that they had taken every measure for safeguarding the roads. Secondly, the owner of the heifer was indemnified for the slaying of his beast, and if the murder was previously discovered, the beast was not slain. Thirdly, the place, where the heifer was slain, remained uncultivated. Wherefore, in order to avoid this twofold loss, the men of the city would readily make known the murderer, if they knew who he was: and it would seldom happen but that some word or sign would escape about the matter. Or again, this was done in order to frighten people, in detestation of murder. Because the slaying of a heifer, which is a useful animal and full of strength, especially before it has been put under the yoke, signified that whoever committed murder, however useful and strong he might be, was to forfeit his life; and that, by a cruel death, which was implied by the striking off of its head; and that the murderer, as vile and abject, was to be cut off from the fellowship of men, which was betokened by the fact that the heifer after being slain was left to rot in a rough and uncultivated place.

Mystically, the heifer taken from the herd signifies the flesh of Christ; which had not drawn a yoke, since it had done no sin; nor did it plough the ground, i.e. it never knew the stain of revolt. The fact of the heifer being killed in an uncultivated valley signified the despised death of Christ, whereby all sins are washed away, and the devil is shown to be the arch-murderer. ________________________

THIRD

25:5 Quae sponte gignet humus, non metes : et uvas primitiarum tuarum non colliges quasi vindemiam : annus enim requietionis terrae est :
*H What the ground shall bring forth of itself, thou shalt not reap: neither shalt thou gather the grapes or the firstfruits as a vintage. For it is a year of rest to the land.


Ver. 5. Reap entirely, but only take a part, v. 6. — First-fruits. None shall be this year presented to the Lord. Heb. has the word Nezireka, "Nazareat," alluding to the custom of those who, out of devotion, let their hair grow; as here only the spontaneous fruits of the unpruned vine were to be eaten; they were separated, as the word also means, or "sanctified," (Sept.) being abandoned indifferently for the use of any one that pleased to eat of them, and no longer fenced in by the proprietor, (C.) though he might take the first, or choicest fruit, for his own use, (M.) or at least he might take his share like the rest. T.

καὶ τὰ αὐτόματα ἀναβαίνοντα τοῦ ἀγροῦ σου οὐκ ἐκθερίσεις, καἰ τὴν σταφυλὴν τοῦ ἁγιάσματός σου οὐκ ἐκτρυγήσεις· ἐνιαυτὸς ἀναπαύσεως ἔσται τῇ γῇ.
אֵ֣ת סְפִ֤יחַ קְצִֽירְ/ךָ֙ לֹ֣א תִקְצ֔וֹר וְ/אֶת עִנְּבֵ֥י נְזִירֶ֖/ךָ לֹ֣א תִבְצֹ֑ר שְׁנַ֥ת שַׁבָּת֖וֹן יִהְיֶ֥ה לָ/אָֽרֶץ
25:6 sed erunt vobis in cibum, tibi et servo tuo, ancillae et mercenario tuo, et advenae qui peregrinantur apud te :
*H But they shall be unto you for meat, to thee and to thy manservant, to thy maidservant and thy hireling, and to the strangers that sojourn with thee.


Ver. 6. They. Heb. and Sept. "The sabbath of the earth shall be meat for you" in common.

Καὶ ἔσται τὰ σάββατα τῆς γῆς βρώματά σοι, καὶ τῷ παιδί σου, καὶ τῇ παιδίσκῃ σου, καὶ τῷ μισθωτῷ σου, καὶ τῷ παροίκῳ τῷ προσκειμένῳ πρὸς σέ.
וְ֠/הָיְתָה שַׁבַּ֨ת הָ/אָ֤רֶץ לָ/כֶם֙ לְ/אָכְלָ֔ה לְ/ךָ֖ וּ/לְ/עַבְדְּ/ךָ֣ וְ/לַ/אֲמָתֶ֑/ךָ וְ/לִ/שְׂכִֽירְ/ךָ֙ וּ/לְ/תוֹשָׁ֣בְ/ךָ֔ הַ/גָּרִ֖ים עִמָּֽ/ךְ
25:7 jumentis tuis et pecoribus, omnia quae nascuntur praebebunt cibum.
*H All things that grow shall be meat to thy beasts and to thy cattle.


Ver. 7. Cattle. This last term in Heb. Sept. &c. means "wild beasts," which must also live. At this period of the seventh year, debts were to be remitted, the law read, &c. Ex. xxi. 2. Deut. xv. 2. and xxxi. 10. But in the jubilee year, even those Hebrew slaves, whose ears had been pierced, and those who had sold their land, regained their liberty and possessions. C. — Their children and wives, according to Josephus, went out with them, v. 41. Houses and suburbs for gardens, &c. might be sold for ever, if they were not redeemed the first year, excepting those of the Levites, v. 34. T.

Καὶ τοῖς κτήνεσί σου, καὶ τοῖς θηρίοις τοῖς ἐν τῇ γῇ σου ἔσται πᾶν τὸ γέννημα αὐτοῦ εἰς βρῶσιν.
וְ/לִ֨/בְהֶמְתְּ/ךָ֔ וְ/לַֽ/חַיָּ֖ה אֲשֶׁ֣ר בְּ/אַרְצֶ֑/ךָ תִּהְיֶ֥ה כָל תְּבוּאָתָ֖/הּ לֶ/אֱכֹֽל
25:8 Numerabis quoque tibi septem hebdomadas annorum, id est, septies septem, quae simul faciunt annos quadraginta novem :
*H Thou shalt also number to thee seven weeks of years: that is to say, seven times seven, which together make forty-nine years.


Ver. 8. Years. It is dubious whether the 49th or the 50th year was appointed for the jubilee. The former year is fixed upon by many able chronologers, who remark, that if two years of rest had occurred together, it would have been a serious inconvenience; and Moses might have said the 50th year for a round number, or comprise therein the year of the former jubilee, as we give five years to the olympiad, and eight days to the week, though the former consists only of four years, and the latter of seven days. Rader; Scaliger; &c. But others decide for the fiftieth year, v. 10. Philo, Joseph. iii. 10. S. Aug. q. 92. Salien, &c. C. — On the feast of expiation of the 49th year, they promulgated the following to be the year of jubilee. M. — Usher places the first A.M. 2609, 49 years after the partition of the land by Josue in 2560: Salien dates 50 years from the entrance (v. 2,) of the Hebrews into Chanaan, A.M. 2583, six years sooner; and places the first jubilee 2633, immediately after the sabbatic year, which fell in the 32d year of Othoniel. He supposes that both were proclaimed at the same time, on the 1st of Tisri, Ros Hassana, "the head of the year;" though the heralds went about the country only on the 10th. The writers both of the Synagogue and of the Church generally adopt the 50th for the year of jubilee; and the pretended inconvenience of two years' rest is nugatory, since God promised a three years' crop, v. 21. H.

Καὶ ἐξαριθμήσεις σεαυτῷ ἑπτὰ ἀναπαύσεις ἐτῶν, ἑπτὰ ἔτη ἑπτάκις· καὶ ἔσονταί σοι ἑπτὰ ἑβδομάδες ἐτῶν ἐννέα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη.
וְ/סָפַרְתָּ֣ לְ/ךָ֗ שֶׁ֚בַע שַׁבְּתֹ֣ת שָׁנִ֔ים שֶׁ֥בַע שָׁנִ֖ים שֶׁ֣בַע פְּעָמִ֑ים וְ/הָי֣וּ לְ/ךָ֗ יְמֵי֙ שֶׁ֚בַע שַׁבְּתֹ֣ת הַ/שָּׁנִ֔ים תֵּ֥שַׁע וְ/אַרְבָּעִ֖ים שָׁנָֽה
25:9 et clanges buccina mense septimo, decima die mensis, propitiationis tempore, in universa terra vestra.
And thou shalt sound the trumpet in the seventh month, the tenth day of the month, in the time of the expiation in all your land.
Διαγγελεῖτε σάλπιγγος φωνῇ ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ μηνὶ τῷ ἑβδόμῳ τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνός· τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ ἱλασμοῦ διαγγελεῖτε σάλπιγγι ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ ὑμῶν.
וְ/הַֽעֲבַרְתָּ֞ שׁוֹפַ֤ר תְּרוּעָה֙ בַּ/חֹ֣דֶשׁ הַ/שְּׁבִעִ֔י בֶּ/עָשׂ֖וֹר לַ/חֹ֑דֶשׁ בְּ/יוֹם֙ הַ/כִּפֻּרִ֔ים תַּעֲבִ֥ירוּ שׁוֹפָ֖ר בְּ/כָל אַרְצְ/כֶֽם
25:10 Sanctificabisque annum quinquagesimum, et vocabis remissionem cunctis habitatoribus terrae tuae : ipse est enim jubilaeus. Revertetur homo ad possessionem suam, et unusquisque rediet ad familiam pristinam :
*H And thou shalt sanctify the fiftieth year, and shalt proclaim remission to all the inhabitants of thy land: for it is the year of jubilee. Every man shall return to his possession, and every one shall go back to his former family:


Ver. 10. Remission; that is, a general release and discharge from debts and bondage, and a reinstating of every man in his former possessions. Ch. — Jubilee: Heb. jubol means "liberty" (Joseph.); "re-establishment" (Philo); C. — "deliverance" (Abenezra). The Rabbins falsely assert, that a ram's horn was used on this occasion: but Bochart shews that it is solid and unfit for the purpose. B. ii. 42. They also maintain, that from the 1st of this sacred month, as it is called by Philo, till the 10th, the slaves spent their time in continual rejoicings in their master's house, and on the latter day they were set free. Cunæus (Rep. i. 6,) observes, that the jubilee was discontinued after the captivity, though the sabbatic year was still kept. C. — Indeed the Jews were often very negligent in these respects, and God complained and punished them for it. C. xxvii. 32. &c. The avarice of the great ones chiefly caused these wise regulations to be despised, though, from time to time, God enforced their observance, that it might be clearly known from what family the Messias sprung. After his birth they were abrogated, as no longer necessary. H. — Something similar was instituted by Solon, and styled "the shaking off burdens," for the redemption both of men and good. Laertius. M. — The Locrians could not alienate their patrimony. Aristotle polit. ii. 7. and vi. 4. The Rabbins deviate from the spirit of their lawgiver, when they assert, that persons might sell their inheritance for a greater number of years than 50, if they specified how many, &c. Seld. Succes. iii. 24. In the Christian dispensation, the jubilee denotes a time of indulgence, in consequence of the power left by Jesus Christ. Matt. xvi. 19. 2 Cor. ii. 10. The first was given by Boniface VIII. in 1300; and others were granted every century, till Clement VI. reduced the space to 50 years, 1542. Gregory XI. would have them dispensed to the faithful every 33 years, and Paul XI. every 25th, that more might partake of so great a benefit. This has been done since his time, and the Popes often grant them when the Church is in great danger, and also in the year when they are consecrated. C. — They are designed to promote the fervour of piety, and the remission of punishment due to sin. H. — Family. Slaves shall obtain their liberty. This law set a restraint upon the rich, that they might not get possession of too much land, or oppress the poor. Lycurgus, with the same view, established an equality of lands among the Spartans, and Solon acknowledged the propriety of the regulation, which he probably saw practised in Egypt. Diod. i. C. — The Agrarian laws at Rome, were often proposed; but they caused nothing but confusion and riot. H.

Καὶ ἁγιάσετε τὸ ἔτος τὸν πεντηκοστὸν ἐνιαυτὸν, καὶ διαβοήσετε ἄφεσιν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς πᾶσι τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν αὐτήν· ἐνιαυτὸς ἀφέσεως σημασία αὕτη ἔσται ὑμῖν· καὶ ἀπελεύσεται εἷς ἕκαστος εἰς τὴν κτῆσιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἕκαστος εἰς τὴν πατριὰν αὐτοῦ ἀπελεύσεσθε.
וְ/קִדַּשְׁתֶּ֗ם אֵ֣ת שְׁנַ֤ת הַ/חֲמִשִּׁים֙ שָׁנָ֔ה וּ/קְרָאתֶ֥ם דְּר֛וֹר בָּ/אָ֖רֶץ לְ/כָל יֹשְׁבֶ֑י/הָ יוֹבֵ֥ל הִוא֙ תִּהְיֶ֣ה לָ/כֶ֔ם וְ/שַׁבְתֶּ֗ם אִ֚ישׁ אֶל אֲחֻזָּת֔/וֹ וְ/אִ֥ישׁ אֶל מִשְׁפַּחְתּ֖/וֹ תָּשֻֽׁבוּ
25:11 quia jubilaeus est, et quinquagesimus annus. Non seretis neque metetis sponte in agro nascentia, et primitias vindemiae non colligetis,
Because it is the jubilee and the fiftieth year. You shall not sow, nor reap the things that grow in the field of their own accord, neither shall you gather the firstfruits of the vines,
Ἀφέσεως σημασία αὕτη, τὸ ἔτος τὸ πεντηκοστὸν ἐνιαυτὸς ἔσται ὑμῖν· οὐ σπερεῖτε, οὐδὲ ἀμήσετε τὰ αὐτόματα ἀναβαίνοντα αὐτῆς, καὶ οὐ τρυγήσετε τὰ ἡγιασμένα αὐτῆς,
יוֹבֵ֣ל הִ֗וא שְׁנַ֛ת הַ/חֲמִשִּׁ֥ים שָׁנָ֖ה תִּהְיֶ֣ה לָ/כֶ֑ם לֹ֣א תִזְרָ֔עוּ וְ/לֹ֤א תִקְצְרוּ֙ אֶת סְפִיחֶ֔י/הָ וְ/לֹ֥א תִבְצְר֖וּ אֶת נְזִרֶֽי/הָ
25:12 ob sanctificationem jubilaei : sed statim oblata comedetis.
*H Because of the sanctification of the jubilee. But as they grow you shall presently eat them.


Ver. 12. Eat them. No wine was to be made of the grapes, nor the corn heaped up, to the detriment of the poor. All is claimed by God, as his own property.

ὅτι ἀφέσεως σημασία ἐστίν· ἅγιον ἔσται ὑμῖν· ἀπὸ τῶν πεδίων φάγεσθε τὰ γεννήματα αὐτῆς.
כִּ֚י יוֹבֵ֣ל הִ֔וא קֹ֖דֶשׁ תִּהְיֶ֣ה לָ/כֶ֑ם מִן הַ֨/שָּׂדֶ֔ה תֹּאכְל֖וּ אֶת תְּבוּאָתָֽ/הּ
25:13 Anno jubilaei, redient omnes ad possessiones suas.
In the year of the jubilee all shall return to their possessions.
Ἐν τῷ ἔτει τῆς ἀφέσεως σημασίας αὐτῆς ἐπανελεύσεται εἰς τὴν ἔγκτησιν αὐτοῦ.
בִּ/שְׁנַ֥ת הַ/יּוֹבֵ֖ל הַ/זֹּ֑את תָּשֻׁ֕בוּ אִ֖ישׁ אֶל אֲחֻזָּתֽ/וֹ
25:14 Quando vendes quippiam civi tuo, vel emes ab eo, ne contristes fratrem tuum, sed juxta numerum annorum jubilaei emes ab eo,
*H When thou shalt sell any thing to thy neighbour, or shalt buy of him: grieve not thy brother. But thou shalt buy of him according to the number of years from the jubilee.


Ver. 14. Grieve. Heb. "deceive not." S. Chrysostom observes, that to engage another to sell us any thing for what we know is beneath its value, is theft. Grot. Jur. ii. 12. The Rabbins also decide that, if an Israelite be defrauded a sixth part, restitution must be made, v. 17. Seld. Jur. vi. 6.

Ἐὰν δὲ ἀποδῷ πράσιν τῷ πλησίον σου, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ κτήσῃ παρὰ τοῦ πλησίον σου, μὴ θλιβέτω ἄνθρωπος τὸν πλησίον.
וְ/כִֽי תִמְכְּר֤וּ מִמְכָּר֙ לַ/עֲמִיתֶ֔/ךָ א֥וֹ קָנֹ֖ה מִ/יַּ֣ד עֲמִיתֶ֑/ךָ אַל תּוֹנ֖וּ אִ֥ישׁ אֶת אָחִֽי/ו
25:15 et juxta supputationem frugum vendet tibi.
And he shall sell to thee according to the computation of the fruits.
Κατὰ ἀριθμὸν ἐτῶν μετὰ τὴν σημασίαν κτήσῃ παρὰ τοῦ πλησίον, κατὰ ἀριθμὸν ἐνιαυτῶν γεννημάτων ἀποδώσεταί σοι.
בְּ/מִסְפַּ֤ר שָׁנִים֙ אַחַ֣ר הַ/יּוֹבֵ֔ל תִּקְנֶ֖ה מֵ/אֵ֣ת עֲמִיתֶ֑/ךָ בְּ/מִסְפַּ֥ר שְׁנֵֽי תְבוּאֹ֖ת יִמְכָּר לָֽ/ךְ
25:16 Quanto plures anni remanserint post jubilaeum, tanto crescet et pretium : et quanto minus temporis numeraveris, tanto minoris et emptio constabit : tempus enim frugum vendet tibi.
The more years remain after the jubilee, the more shall the price increase: and the less time is counted, so much the less shall the purchase cost. For he shall sell to thee the time of the fruits.
Καθότι ἂν πλεῖον τῶν ἐτῶν πληθυνεῖ τὴν ἔγκτησιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ καθότι ἂν ἔλαττον τῶν ἐτῶν ἐλαττονώσει τὴν ἔγκτησιν αὐτοῦ· ὅτι ἀριθμὸν γεννημάτων αὐτοῦ, οὕτως ἀποδώσεταί σοι.
לְ/פִ֣י רֹ֣ב הַ/שָּׁנִ֗ים תַּרְבֶּה֙ מִקְנָת֔/וֹ וּ/לְ/פִי֙ מְעֹ֣ט הַ/שָּׁנִ֔ים תַּמְעִ֖יט מִקְנָת֑/וֹ כִּ֚י מִסְפַּ֣ר תְּבוּאֹ֔ת ה֥וּא מֹכֵ֖ר לָֽ/ךְ
25:17 Nolite affligere contribules vestros, sed timeat unusquisque Deum suum, quia ego Dominus Deus vester.
Do not afflict your countrymen: but let every one fear his God. Because I am the Lord your God.
Μὴ θλιβέτω ἄνθρωπος τὸν πλησίον· καὶ φοβηθήσῃ Κύριον τὸν Θεόν σου· ἐγώ εἰμι Κύριος ὁ Θεὸς ὑμῶν.
וְ/לֹ֤א תוֹנוּ֙ אִ֣ישׁ אֶת עֲמִית֔/וֹ וְ/יָרֵ֖אתָ מֵֽ/אֱלֹהֶ֑י/ךָ כִּ֛י אֲנִ֥י יְהֹוָ֖ה אֱלֹהֵי/כֶֽם
25:18 Facite praecepta mea, et judicia custodite, et implete ea : ut habitare possitis in terra absque ullo pavore,
Do my precepts, and keep my judgments, and fulfil them: that you may dwell in the land without any fear.
Καὶ ποιήσετε πάντα τὰ δικαιώματά μου, καὶ πάσας τὰς κρίσεις μου, καὶ φυλάξασθε, καὶ ποιήσετε αὐτὰ, καὶ κατοικήσετε ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς πεποιθότες.
וַ/עֲשִׂיתֶם֙ אֶת חֻקֹּתַ֔/י וְ/אֶת מִשְׁפָּטַ֥/י תִּשְׁמְר֖וּ וַ/עֲשִׂיתֶ֣ם אֹתָ֑/ם וִֽ/ישַׁבְתֶּ֥ם עַל הָ/אָ֖רֶץ לָ/בֶֽטַח
25:19 et gignat vobis humus fructus suos, quibus vescamini usque ad saturitatem, nullius impetum formidantes.
And the ground may yield you its fruits, of which you may eat your fill, fearing no man's invasion.
Καὶ δώσει ἡ γῆ τὰ ἐκφόρια αὐτῆς, καὶ φάγεσθε εἰς πλησμονὴν, καὶ κατοικήσετε πεποιθότες ἐπʼ αὐτῆς.
וְ/נָתְנָ֤ה הָ/אָ֨רֶץ֙ פִּרְיָ֔/הּ וַ/אֲכַלְתֶּ֖ם לָ/שֹׂ֑בַע וִֽ/ישַׁבְתֶּ֥ם לָ/בֶ֖טַח עָלֶֽי/הָ
25:20 Quod si dixeritis : Quid comedemus anno septimo, si non severimus, neque collegerimus fruges nostras ?
But if you say: What shall we eat the seventh year, if we sow not, nor gather our fruits?
Ἐὰν δὲ λέγητε, τί φαγόμεθα ἐν τῷ ἔτει τῷ ἑβδόμῳ τούτῳ, ἐὰν μὴ σπείρωμεν μηδὲ συναγάγωμεν τὰ γεννήματα ἡμῶν;
וְ/כִ֣י תֹאמְר֔וּ מַה נֹּאכַ֤֖ל בַּ/שָּׁנָ֣ה הַ/שְּׁבִיעִ֑ת הֵ֚ן לֹ֣א נִזְרָ֔ע וְ/לֹ֥א נֶאֱסֹ֖ף אֶת תְּבוּאָתֵֽ/נוּ
25:21 dabo benedictionem meam vobis anno sexto, et faciet fructus trium annorum :
*H I will give you my blessing the sixth year: and it shall yield the fruits of three years.


Ver. 21. Three years. After the harvest of the sixth year was gotten in, the land rested from September to September, the beginning of the 8th year, when it was tilled again. Nothing would be ripe till about March; yet the harvest of the 6th year would suffice to furnish food till that time, or even for a year longer, as it would be requisite, when the year of jubilee succeeded that of rest, v. 8. H.

Καὶ ἀποστέλλω τὴν εὐλογίαν μου ὑμῖν ἐν τῷ ἔτει τῷ ἕκτῳ, καὶ ποιήσει τὰ γεννήματα αὐτῆς εἰς τὰ τρία ἔτη.
וְ/צִוִּ֤יתִי אֶת בִּרְכָתִ/י֙ לָ/כֶ֔ם בַּ/שָּׁנָ֖ה הַ/שִּׁשִּׁ֑ית וְ/עָשָׂת֙ אֶת הַ/תְּבוּאָ֔ה לִ/שְׁלֹ֖שׁ הַ/שָּׁנִֽים
25:22 seretisque anno octavo, et comedetis veteres fruges usque ad nonum annum : donec nova nascantur, edetis vetera.
And the eighth year you shall sow, and shall eat of the old fruits, until the ninth year: till new grow up, you shall eat the old store.
Καὶ σπερεῖτε τὸ ἔτος τὸ ὄγδοον, καὶ φάγεσθε ἀπὸ τῶν γεννημάτων παλαιὰ ἕως τοῦ ἔτους τοῦ ἐνάτου· ἕως ἂν ἔλθῃ τὸ γέννημα αὐτῆς, φάγεσθε παλαιὰ παλαιῶν.
וּ/זְרַעְתֶּ֗ם אֵ֚ת הַ/שָּׁנָ֣ה הַ/שְּׁמִינִ֔ת וַ/אֲכַלְתֶּ֖ם מִן הַ/תְּבוּאָ֣ה יָשָׁ֑ן עַ֣ד הַ/שָּׁנָ֣ה הַ/תְּשִׁיעִ֗ת עַד בּוֹא֙ תְּב֣וּאָתָ֔/הּ תֹּאכְל֖וּ יָשָֽׁן
25:23 Terra quoque non vendetur in perpetuum, quia mea est, et vos advenae et coloni mei estis :
*H The land also shall not be sold for ever: because it is mine, and you are strangers and sojourners with me.


Ver. 23. For ever. Sam. version, "absolutely." The only exception to this law is, when a person makes a vow to give some land to the Lord, and will not redeem it. C. xxvii. 20. In that case, God re-enters upon his property, and it belongs to his priests. C.

Καὶ ἡ γῆ οὐ πραθήσεται εἰς βεβαίωσιν· ἐμὴ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ γῆ, διότι προσήλυτοι καὶ πάροικοι ὑμεῖς ἐστε ἐναντίον μου.
וְ/הָ/אָ֗רֶץ לֹ֤א תִמָּכֵר֙ לִ/צְמִתֻ֔ת כִּי לִ֖/י הָ/אָ֑רֶץ כִּֽי גֵרִ֧ים וְ/תוֹשָׁבִ֛ים אַתֶּ֖ם עִמָּדִֽ/י
25:24 unde cuncta regio possessionis vestrae sub redemptionis conditione vendetur.
For which cause all the country of your possession shall be under the condition of redemption.
Καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν γῆν κατασχέσεως ὑμῶν, λύτρα δώσετε τῆς γῆς.
וּ/בְ/כֹ֖ל אֶ֣רֶץ אֲחֻזַּתְ/כֶ֑ם גְּאֻלָּ֖ה תִּתְּנ֥וּ לָ/אָֽרֶץ
25:25 Si attenuatus frater tuus vendiderit possessiunculam suam, et voluerit propinquus ejus, potest redimere quod ille vendiderat.
If thy brother being impoverished sell his little possession, and his kinsman will: he may redeem what he had sold.
Ἐὰν δὲ πένηται ὁ ἀδελφός σου ὁ μετὰ σοῦ, καὶ ἀποδῶται ἀπὸ τῆς κατασχέσεως αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔλθῃ ὁ ἀγχιστεύων ὁ ἐγγίζων αὐτῷ, καὶ λυτρώσεται τὴν πρᾶσιν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ.
כִּֽי יָמ֣וּךְ אָחִ֔י/ךָ וּ/מָכַ֖ר מֵ/אֲחֻזָּת֑/וֹ וּ/בָ֤א גֹֽאֲל/וֹ֙ הַ/קָּרֹ֣ב אֵלָ֔י/ו וְ/גָאַ֕ל אֵ֖ת מִמְכַּ֥ר אָחִֽי/ו
25:26 Sin autem non habuerit proximum, et ipse pretium ad redimendum potuerit invenire,
But if he have no kinsman, and he himself can find the price to redeem it:
Ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ᾖ τινι ὁ ἀγχιστεύων, καὶ εὐπορηθῇ τῇ χειρὶ, καὶ εὑρεθῇ αὐτῷ τὸ ἱκανὸν, λύτρα αὐτοῦ·
וְ/אִ֕ישׁ כִּ֛י לֹ֥א יִֽהְיֶה לּ֖/וֹ גֹּאֵ֑ל וְ/הִשִּׂ֣יגָה יָד֔/וֹ וּ/מָצָ֖א כְּ/דֵ֥י גְאֻלָּתֽ/וֹ
25:27 computabuntur fructus ex eo tempore quo vendidit : et quod reliquum est, reddet emptori, sicque recipiet possessionem suam.
*H The value of the fruits shall be counted from that time when he sold it. And the overplus he shall restore to the buyer, and so shall receive his possession again.


Ver. 27. Fruits. An estimation shall be made of what the buyer would probably have gotten for the fruits of the land, till the year of jubilee, and that sum shall be given to him; (C.) or what benefit he has already derived from the land shall be computed; so that, if he purchased it for 100 sicles, and had received the value of 80, he should be content with the addition of 20 more, v. 53. H.

καὶ συλλογιεῖται τὰ ἔτη τῆς πράσεως αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀποδώσει ὅ ὑπερέχει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, ᾧ ἀπέδοτο αὐτὸ αὐτῷ, καὶ ἀπελεύσεται εἰς τὴν κατάσχεσιν αὐτοῦ.
וְ/חִשַּׁב֙ אֶת שְׁנֵ֣י מִמְכָּר֔/וֹ וְ/הֵשִׁיב֙ אֶת הָ֣/עֹדֵ֔ף לָ/אִ֖ישׁ אֲשֶׁ֣ר מָֽכַר ל֑/וֹ וְ/שָׁ֖ב לַ/אֲחֻזָּתֽ/וֹ
25:28 Quod si non invenerit manus ejus ut reddat pretium, habebit emptor quod emerat, usque ad annum jubilaeum. In ipso enim omnis venditio redibit ad dominum et ad possessorem pristinum.
But if his hands find not the means to repay the price, the buyer shall have what he bought, until the year of the jubilee. For in that year all that is sold shall return to the owner, and to the ancient possessor.
Ἐὰν δὲ μὴ εὑπορηθῇ αὐτοῦ ἡ χεὶρ τὸ ἱκανὸν, ὥστε ἀποδοῦναι αὐτῷ, καὶ ἔσται ἡ πράσις τῷ κτησαμένῳ αὐτὰ ἕως τοῦ ἕκτου ἔτους τῆς ἀφέσεως, καὶ ἐξελεύσεται ἐν τῇ ἀφέσει, καὶ ἀπελεύσεται εἰς τὴν κατάσχεσιν αὐτοῦ.
וְ/אִ֨ם לֹֽא מָֽצְאָ֜ה יָד֗/וֹ דֵּי֮ הָשִׁ֣יב ל/וֹ֒ וְ/הָיָ֣ה מִמְכָּר֗/וֹ בְּ/יַד֙ הַ/קֹּנֶ֣ה אֹת֔/וֹ עַ֖ד שְׁנַ֣ת הַ/יּוֹבֵ֑ל וְ/יָצָא֙ בַּ/יֹּבֵ֔ל וְ/שָׁ֖ב לַ/אֲחֻזָּתֽ/וֹ
* Summa
*S Part 2, Ques 105, Article 2

[I-II, Q. 105, Art. 2]

Whether the Judicial Precepts Were Suitably Framed As to the Relations of One Man with Another?

Objection 1: It would seem that the judicial precepts were not suitably framed as regards the relations of one man with another. Because men cannot live together in peace, if one man takes what belongs to another. But this seems to have been approved by the Law: since it is written (Deut. 23:24): "Going into thy neighbor's vineyard, thou mayest eat as many grapes as thou pleasest." Therefore the Old Law did not make suitable provisions for man's peace.

Obj. 2: Further, one of the chief causes of the downfall of states has been the holding of property by women, as the Philosopher says (Polit. ii, 6). But this was introduced by the Old Law; for it is written (Num. 27:8): "When a man dieth without a son, his inheritance shall pass to his daughter." Therefore the Law made unsuitable provision for the welfare of the people.

Obj. 3: Further, it is most conducive to the preservation of human society that men may provide themselves with necessaries by buying and selling, as stated in _Polit._ i. But the Old Law took away the force of sales; since it prescribes that in the 50th year of the jubilee all that is sold shall return to the vendor (Lev. 25:28). Therefore in this matter the Law gave the people an unfitting command.

Obj. 4: Further, man's needs require that men should be ready to lend: which readiness ceases if the creditors do not return the pledges: hence it is written (Ecclus. 29:10): "Many have refused to lend, not out of wickedness, but they were afraid to be defrauded without cause." And yet this was encouraged by the Law. First, because it prescribed (Deut. 15:2): "He to whom any thing is owing from his friend or neighbor or brother, cannot demand it again, because it is the year of remission of the Lord"; and (Ex. 22:15) it is stated that if a borrowed animal should die while the owner is present, the borrower is not bound to make restitution. Secondly, because the security acquired through the pledge is lost: for it is written (Deut. 24:10): "When thou shalt demand of thy neighbor any thing that he oweth thee, thou shalt not go into his house to take away a pledge"; and again (Deut. 24:12, 13): "The pledge shall not lodge with thee that night, but thou shalt restore it to him presently." Therefore the Law made insufficient provision in the matter of loans.

Obj. 5: Further, considerable risk attaches to goods deposited with a fraudulent depositary: wherefore great caution should be observed in such matters: hence it is stated in 2 Mac. 3:15 that "the priests . . . called upon Him from heaven, Who made the law concerning things given to be kept, that He would preserve them safe, for them that had deposited them." But the precepts of the Old Law observed little caution in regard to deposits: since it is prescribed (Ex. 22:10, 11) that when goods deposited are lost, the owner is to stand by the oath of the depositary. Therefore the Law made unsuitable provision in this matter.

Obj. 6: Further, just as a workman offers his work for hire, so do men let houses and so forth. But there is no need for the tenant to pay his rent as soon as he takes a house. Therefore it seems an unnecessarily hard prescription (Lev. 19:13) that "the wages of him that hath been hired by thee shall not abide with thee until morning."

Obj. 7: Further, since there is often pressing need for a judge, it should be easy to gain access to one. It was therefore unfitting that the Law (Deut. 17:8, 9) should command them to go to a fixed place to ask for judgment on doubtful matters.

Obj. 8: Further, it is possible that not only two, but three or more, should agree to tell a lie. Therefore it is unreasonably stated (Deut. 19:15) that "in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall stand."

Objection 9: Further, punishment should be fixed according to the gravity of the fault: for which reason also it is written (Deut. 25:2): "According to the measure of the sin, shall the measure also of the stripes be." Yet the Law fixed unequal punishments for certain faults: for it is written (Ex. 22:1) that the thief "shall restore five oxen for one ox, and four sheep for one sheep." Moreover, certain slight offenses are severely punished: thus (Num. 15:32, seqq.) a man is stoned for gathering sticks on the sabbath day: and (Deut. 21:18, seqq.) the unruly son is commanded to be stoned on account of certain small transgressions, viz. because "he gave himself to revelling . . . and banquetings." Therefore the Law prescribed punishments in an unreasonable manner.

Objection 10: Further, as Augustine says (De Civ. Dei xxi, 11), "Tully writes that the laws recognize eight forms of punishment, indemnity, prison, stripes, retaliation, public disgrace, exile, death, slavery." Now some of these were prescribed by the Law. "Indemnity," as when a thief was condemned to make restitution fivefold or fourfold. "Prison," as when (Num. 15:34) a certain man is ordered to be imprisoned. "Stripes"; thus (Deut. 25:2), "if they see that the offender be worthy of stripes; they shall lay him down, and shall cause him to be beaten before them." "Public disgrace" was brought on to him who refused to take to himself the wife of his deceased brother, for she took "off his shoe from his foot, and" did "spit in his face" (Deut. 25:9). It prescribed the "death" penalty, as is clear from (Lev. 20:9): "He that curseth his father, or mother, dying let him die." The Law also recognized the "lex talionis," by prescribing (Ex. 21:24): "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth." Therefore it seems unreasonable that the Law should not have inflicted the two other punishments, viz. "exile" and "slavery."

Objection 11: Further, no punishment is due except for a fault. But dumb animals cannot commit a fault. Therefore the Law is unreasonable in punishing them (Ex. 21:29): "If the ox . . . shall kill a man or a woman," it "shall be stoned": and (Lev. 20:16): "The woman that shall lie under any beast, shall be killed together with the same." Therefore it seems that matters pertaining to the relations of one man with another were unsuitably regulated by the Law.

Objection 12: Further, the Lord commanded (Ex. 21:12) a murderer to be punished with death. But the death of a dumb animal is reckoned of much less account than the slaying of a man. Hence murder cannot be sufficiently punished by the slaying of a dumb animal. Therefore it is unfittingly prescribed (Deut. 21:1, 4) that "when there shall be found . . . the corpse of a man slain, and it is not known who is guilty of the murder . . . the ancients" of the nearest city "shall take a heifer of the herd, that hath not drawn in the yoke, nor ploughed the ground, and they shall bring her into a rough and stony valley, that never was ploughed, nor sown; and there they shall strike off the head of the heifer."

_On the contrary,_ It is recalled as a special blessing (Ps. 147:20) that "He hath not done in like manner to every nation; and His judgments He hath not made manifest to them."

_I answer that,_ As Augustine says (De Civ. Dei ii, 21), quoting Tully, "a nation is a body of men united together by consent to the law and by community of welfare." Consequently it is of the essence of a nation that the mutual relations of the citizens be ordered by just laws. Now the relations of one man with another are twofold: some are effected under the guidance of those in authority: others are effected by the will of private individuals. And since whatever is subject to the power of an individual can be disposed of according to his will, hence it is that the decision of matters between one man and another, and the punishment of evildoers, depend on the direction of those in authority, to whom men are subject. On the other hand, the power of private persons is exercised over the things they possess: and consequently their dealings with one another, as regards such things, depend on their own will, for instance in buying, selling, giving, and so forth. Now the Law provided sufficiently in respect of each of these relations between one man and another. For it established judges, as is clearly indicated in Deut. 16:18: "Thou shalt appoint judges and magistrates in all its [Vulg.: 'thy'] gates . . . that they may judge the people with just judgment." It is also directed the manner of pronouncing just judgments, according to Deut. 1:16, 17: "Judge that which is just, whether he be one of your own country or a stranger: there shall be no difference of persons." It also removed an occasion of pronouncing unjust judgment, by forbidding judges to accept bribes (Ex. 23:8; Deut. 16:19). It prescribed the number of witnesses, viz. two or three: and it appointed certain punishments to certain crimes, as we shall state farther on (ad 10).

But with regard to possessions, it is a very good thing, says the Philosopher (Polit. ii, 2) that the things possessed should be distinct, and the use thereof should be partly common, and partly granted to others by the will of the possessors. These three points were provided for by the Law. Because, in the first place, the possessions themselves were divided among individuals: for it is written (Num. 33:53, 54): "I have given you" the land "for a possession: and you shall divide it among you by lot." And since many states have been ruined through want of regulations in the matter of possessions, as the Philosopher observes (Polit. ii, 6); therefore the Law provided a threefold remedy against the irregularity of possessions. The first was that they should be divided equally, wherefore it is written (Num. 33:54): "To the more you shall give a larger part, and to the fewer, a lesser." A second remedy was that possessions could not be alienated for ever, but after a certain lapse of time should return to their former owner, so as to avoid confusion of possessions (cf. ad 3). The third remedy aimed at the removal of this confusion, and provided that the dead should be succeeded by their next of kin: in the first place, the son; secondly, the daughter; thirdly, the brother; fourthly, the father's brother; fifthly, any other next of kin. Furthermore, in order to preserve the distinction of property, the Law enacted that heiresses should marry within their own tribe, as recorded in Num. 36:6.

Secondly, the Law commanded that, in some respects, the use of things should belong to all in common. Firstly, as regards the care of them; for it was prescribed (Deut. 22:1-4): "Thou shalt not pass by, if thou seest thy brother's ox or his sheep go astray; but thou shalt bring them back to thy brother," and in like manner as to other things. Secondly, as regards fruits. For all alike were allowed on entering a friend's vineyard to eat of the fruit, but not to take any away. And, specially, with respect to the poor, it was prescribed that the forgotten sheaves, and the bunches of grapes and fruit, should be left behind for them (Lev. 19:9; Deut. 24:19). Moreover, whatever grew in the seventh year was common property, as stated in Ex. 23:11 and Lev. 25:4.

Thirdly, the law recognized the transference of goods by the owner. There was a purely gratuitous transfer: thus it is written (Deut. 14:28, 29): "The third day thou shalt separate another tithe . . . and the Levite . . . and the stranger, and the fatherless, and the widow . . . shall come and shall eat and be filled." And there was a transfer for a consideration, for instance, by selling and buying, by letting out and hiring, by loan and also by deposit, concerning all of which we find that the Law made ample provision. Consequently it is clear that the Old Law provided sufficiently concerning the mutual relations of one man with another.

Reply Obj. 1: As the Apostle says (Rom. 13:8), "he that loveth his neighbor hath fulfilled the Law": because, to wit, all the precepts of the Law, chiefly those concerning our neighbor, seem to aim at the end that men should love one another. Now it is an effect of love that men give their own goods to others: because, as stated in 1 John 3:17: "He that . . . shall see his brother in need, and shall shut up his bowels from him: how doth the charity of God abide in him?" Hence the purpose of the Law was to accustom men to give of their own to others readily: thus the Apostle (1 Tim. 6:18) commands the rich "to give easily and to communicate to others." Now a man does not give easily to others if he will not suffer another man to take some little thing from him without any great injury to him. And so the Law laid down that it should be lawful for a man, on entering his neighbor's vineyard, to eat of the fruit there: but not to carry any away, lest this should lead to the infliction of a grievous harm, and cause a disturbance of the peace: for among well-behaved people, the taking of a little does not disturb the peace; in fact, it rather strengthens friendship and accustoms men to give things to one another.

Reply Obj. 2: The Law did not prescribe that women should succeed to their father's estate except in default of male issue: failing which it was necessary that succession should be granted to the female line in order to comfort the father, who would have been sad to think that his estate would pass to strangers. Nevertheless the Law observed due caution in the matter, by providing that those women who succeeded to their father's estate, should marry within their own tribe, in order to avoid confusion of tribal possessions, as stated in Num. 36:7, 8.

Reply Obj. 3: As the Philosopher says (Polit. ii, 4), the regulation of possessions conduces much to the preservation of a state or nation. Consequently, as he himself observes, it was forbidden by the law in some of the heathen states, "that anyone should sell his possessions, except to avoid a manifest loss." For if possessions were to be sold indiscriminately, they might happen to come into the hands of a few: so that it might become necessary for a state or country to become void of inhabitants. Hence the Old Law, in order to remove this danger, ordered things in such a way that while provision was made for men's needs, by allowing the sale of possessions to avail for a certain period, at the same time the said danger was removed, by prescribing the return of those possessions after that period had elapsed. The reason for this law was to prevent confusion of possessions, and to ensure the continuance of a definite distinction among the tribes.

But as the town houses were not allotted to distinct estates, therefore the Law allowed them to be sold in perpetuity, like movable goods. Because the number of houses in a town was not fixed, whereas there was a fixed limit to the amount of estates, which could not be exceeded, while the number of houses in a town could be increased. On the other hand, houses situated not in a town, but "in a village that hath no walls," could not be sold in perpetuity: because such houses are built merely with a view to the cultivation and care of possessions; wherefore the Law rightly made the same prescription in regard to both (Lev. 25).

Reply Obj. 4: As stated above (ad 1), the purpose of the Law was to accustom men to its precepts, so as to be ready to come to one another's assistance: because this is a very great incentive to friendship. The Law granted these facilities for helping others in the matter not only of gratuitous and absolute donations, but also of mutual transfers: because the latter kind of succor is more frequent and benefits the greater number: and it granted facilities for this purpose in many ways. First of all by prescribing that men should be ready to lend, and that they should not be less inclined to do so as the year of remission drew nigh, as stated in Deut. 15:7, seqq. Secondly, by forbidding them to burden a man to whom they might grant a loan, either by exacting usury, or by accepting necessities of life in security; and by prescribing that when this had been done they should be restored at once. For it is written (Deut. 23:19): "Thou shalt not lend to thy brother money to usury": and (Deut. 24:6): "Thou shalt not take the nether nor the upper millstone to pledge; for he hath pledged his life to thee": and (Ex. 22:26): "If thou take of thy neighbor a garment in pledge, thou shalt give it him again before sunset." Thirdly, by forbidding them to be importunate in exacting payment. Hence it is written (Ex. 22:25): "If thou lend money to any of my people that is poor that dwelleth with thee, thou shalt not be hard upon them as an extortioner." For this reason, too, it is enacted (Deut. 24:10, 11): "When thou shalt demand of thy neighbor anything that he oweth thee, thou shalt not go into his house to take away a pledge, but thou shalt stand without, and he shall bring out to thee what he hath": both because a man's house is his surest refuge, wherefore it is offensive to a man to be set upon in his own house; and because the Law does not allow the creditor to take away whatever he likes in security, but rather permits the debtor to give what he needs least. Fourthly, the Law prescribed that debts should cease together after the lapse of seven years. For it was probable that those who could conveniently pay their debts, would do so before the seventh year, and would not defraud the lender without cause. But if they were altogether insolvent, there was the same reason for remitting the debt from love for them, as there was for renewing the loan on account of their need.

As regards animals granted in loan, the Law enacted that if, through the neglect of the person to whom they were lent, they perished or deteriorated in his absence, he was bound to make restitution. But if they perished or deteriorated while he was present and taking proper care of them, he was not bound to make restitution, especially if they were hired for a consideration: because they might have died or deteriorated in the same way if they had remained in possession of the lender, so that if the animal had been saved through being lent, the lender would have gained something by the loan which would no longer have been gratuitous. And especially was this to be observed when animals were hired for a consideration: because then the owner received a certain price for the use of the animals; wherefore he had no right to any profit, by receiving indemnity for the animal, unless the person who had charge of it were negligent. In the case, however, of animals not hired for a consideration, equity demanded that he should receive something by way of restitution at least to the value of the hire of the animal that had perished or deteriorated.

Reply Obj. 5: The difference between a loan and a deposit is that a loan is in respect of goods transferred for the use of the person to whom they are transferred, whereas a deposit is for the benefit of the depositor. Hence in certain cases there was a stricter obligation of returning a loan than of restoring goods held in deposit. Because the latter might be lost in two ways. First, unavoidably: i.e. either through a natural cause, for instance if an animal held in deposit were to die or depreciate in value; or through an extrinsic cause, for instance, if it were taken by an enemy, or devoured by a beast (in which case, however, a man was bound to restore to the owner what was left of the animal thus slain): whereas in the other cases mentioned above, he was not bound to make restitution; but only to take an oath in order to clear himself of suspicion. Secondly, the goods deposited might be lost through an avoidable cause, for instance by theft: and then the depositary was bound to restitution on account of his neglect. But, as stated above (ad 4), he who held an animal on loan, was bound to restitution, even if he were absent when it depreciated or died: because he was held responsible for less negligence than a depositary, who was only held responsible in case of theft.

Reply Obj. 6: Workmen who offer their labor for hire, are poor men who toil for their daily bread: and therefore the Law commanded wisely that they should be paid at once, lest they should lack food. But they who offer other commodities for hire, are wont to be rich: nor are they in such need of their price in order to gain a livelihood: and consequently the comparison does not hold.

Reply Obj. 7: The purpose for which judges are appointed among men, is that they may decide doubtful points in matters of justice. Now a matter may be doubtful in two ways. First, among simple-minded people: and in order to remove doubts of this kind, it was prescribed (Deut. 16:18) that "judges and magistrates" should be appointed in each tribe, "to judge the people with just judgment." Secondly, a matter may be doubtful even among experts: and therefore, in order to remove doubts of this kind, the Law prescribed that all should foregather in some chief place chosen by God, where there would be both the high-priest, who would decide doubtful matters relating to the ceremonies of divine worship; and the chief judge of the people, who would decide matters relating to the judgments of men: just as even now cases are taken from a lower to a higher court either by appeal or by consultation. Hence it is written (Deut. 17:8, 9): "If thou perceive that there be among you a hard and doubtful matter in judgment . . . and thou see that the words of the judges within thy gates do vary; arise and go up to the place, which the Lord thy God shall choose; and thou shalt come to the priests of the Levitical race, and to the judge that shall be at that time." But such like doubtful matters did not often occur for judgment: wherefore the people were not burdened on this account.

Reply Obj. 8: In the business affairs of men, there is no such thing as demonstrative and infallible proof, and we must be content with a certain conjectural probability, such as that which an orator employs to persuade. Consequently, although it is quite possible for two or three witnesses to agree to a falsehood, yet it is neither easy nor probable that they succeed in so doing: wherefore their testimony is taken as being true, especially if they do not waver in giving it, or are not otherwise suspect. Moreover, in order that witnesses might not easily depart from the truth, the Law commanded that they should be most carefully examined, and that those who were found untruthful should be severely punished, as stated in Deut. 19:16, seqq.

There was, however, a reason for fixing on this particular number, in token of the unerring truth of the Divine Persons, Who are sometimes mentioned as two, because the Holy Ghost is the bond of the other two Persons; and sometimes as three: as Augustine observes on John 8:17: "In your law it is written that the testimony of two men is true."

Reply Obj. 9: A severe punishment is inflicted not only on account of the gravity of a fault, but also for other reasons. First, on account of the greatness of the sin, because a greater sin, other things being equal, deserves a greater punishment. Secondly, on account of a habitual sin, since men are not easily cured of habitual sin except by severe punishments. Thirdly, on account of a great desire for or a great pleasure in the sin: for men are not easily deterred from such sins unless they be severely punished. Fourthly, on account of the facility of committing a sin and of concealing it: for such like sins, when discovered, should be more severely punished in order to deter others from committing them.

Again, with regard to the greatness of a sin, four degrees may be observed, even in respect of one single deed. The first is when a sin is committed unwillingly; because then, if the sin be altogether involuntary, man is altogether excused from punishment; for it is written (Deut. 22:25, seqq.) that a damsel who suffers violence in a field is not guilty of death, because "she cried, and there was no man to help her." But if a man sinned in any way voluntarily, and yet through weakness, as for instance when a man sins from passion, the sin is diminished: and the punishment, according to true judgment, should be diminished also; unless perchance the common weal requires that the sin be severely punished in order to deter others from committing such sins, as stated above. The second degree is when a man sins through ignorance: and then he was held to be guilty to a certain extent, on account of his negligence in acquiring knowledge: yet he was not punished by the judges but expiated his sin by sacrifices. Hence it is written (Lev. 4:2): "The soul that sinneth through ignorance," etc. This is, however, to be taken as applying to ignorance of fact; and not to ignorance of the Divine precept, which all were bound to know. The third degree was when a man sinned from pride, i.e. through deliberate choice or malice: and then he was punished according to the greatness of the sin [*Cf. Deut. 25:2]. The fourth degree was when a man sinned from stubbornness or obstinacy: and then he was to be utterly cut off as a rebel and a destroyer of the commandment of the Law [*Cf. Num. 15:30, 31].

Accordingly we must say that, in appointing the punishment for theft, the Law considered what would be likely to happen most frequently (Ex. 22:1-9): wherefore, as regards theft of other things which can easily be safeguarded from a thief, the thief restored only twice their value. But sheep cannot be easily safeguarded from a thief, because they graze in the fields: wherefore it happened more frequently that sheep were stolen in the fields. Consequently the Law inflicted a heavier penalty, by ordering four sheep to be restored for the theft of one. As to cattle, they were yet more difficult to safeguard, because they are kept in the fields, and do not graze in flocks as sheep do; wherefore a yet more heavy penalty was inflicted in their regard, so that five oxen were to be restored for one ox. And this I say, unless perchance the animal itself were discovered in the thief's possession: because in that case he had to restore only twice the number, as in the case of other thefts: for there was reason to presume that he intended to restore the animal, since he kept it alive. Again, we might say, according to a gloss, that "a cow is useful in five ways: it may be used for sacrifice, for ploughing, for food, for milk, and its hide is employed for various purposes": and therefore for one cow five had to be restored. But the sheep was useful in four ways: "for sacrifice, for meat, for milk, and for its wool." The unruly son was slain, not because he ate and drank: but on account of his stubbornness and rebellion, which was always punished by death, as stated above. As to the man who gathered sticks on the sabbath, he was stoned as a breaker of the Law, which commanded the sabbath to be observed, to testify the belief in the newness of the world, as stated above (Q. 100, A. 5): wherefore he was slain as an unbeliever.

Reply Obj. 10: The Old Law inflicted the death penalty for the more grievous crimes, viz. for those which are committed against God, and for murder, for stealing a man, irreverence towards one's parents, adultery and incest. In the case of thief of other things it inflicted punishment by indemnification: while in the case of blows and mutilation it authorized punishment by retaliation; and likewise for the sin of bearing false witness. In other faults of less degree it prescribed the punishment of stripes or of public disgrace.

The punishment of slavery was prescribed by the Law in two cases. First, in the case of a slave who was unwilling to avail himself of the privilege granted by the Law, whereby he was free to depart in the seventh year of remission: wherefore he was punished by remaining a slave for ever. Secondly, in the case of a thief, who had not wherewith to make restitution, as stated in Ex. 22:3.

The punishment of absolute exile was not prescribed by the Law: because God was worshipped by that people alone, whereas all other nations were given to idolatry: wherefore if any man were exiled from that people absolutely, he would be in danger of falling into idolatry. For this reason it is related (1 Kings 26:19) that David said to Saul: "They are cursed in the sight of the Lord, who have cast me out this day, that I should not dwell in the inheritance of the Lord, saying: Go, serve strange gods." There was, however, a restricted sort of exile: for it is written in Deut. 19:4 [*Cf. Num. 35:25] that "he that striketh [Vulg.: 'killeth'] his neighbor ignorantly, and is proved to have had no hatred against him, shall flee to one of the cities" of refuge and "abide there until the death of the high-priest." For then it became lawful for him to return home, because when the whole people thus suffered a loss they forgot their private quarrels, so that the next of kin of the slain were not so eager to kill the slayer.

Reply Obj. 11: Dumb animals were ordered to be slain, not on account of any fault of theirs; but as a punishment to their owners, who had not safeguarded their beasts from these offenses. Hence the owner was more severely punished if his ox had butted anyone "yesterday or the day before" (in which case steps might have been taken to avoid the danger) than if it had taken to butting suddenly.--Or again, the animal was slain in detestation of the sin; and lest men should be horrified at the sight thereof.

Reply Obj. 12: The literal reason for this commandment, as Rabbi Moses declares (Doct. Perplex. iii), was because the slayer was frequently from the nearest city: wherefore the slaying of the calf was a means of investigating the hidden murder. This was brought about in three ways. In the first place the elders of the city swore that they had taken every measure for safeguarding the roads. Secondly, the owner of the heifer was indemnified for the slaying of his beast, and if the murder was previously discovered, the beast was not slain. Thirdly, the place, where the heifer was slain, remained uncultivated. Wherefore, in order to avoid this twofold loss, the men of the city would readily make known the murderer, if they knew who he was: and it would seldom happen but that some word or sign would escape about the matter. Or again, this was done in order to frighten people, in detestation of murder. Because the slaying of a heifer, which is a useful animal and full of strength, especially before it has been put under the yoke, signified that whoever committed murder, however useful and strong he might be, was to forfeit his life; and that, by a cruel death, which was implied by the striking off of its head; and that the murderer, as vile and abject, was to be cut off from the fellowship of men, which was betokened by the fact that the heifer after being slain was left to rot in a rough and uncultivated place.

Mystically, the heifer taken from the herd signifies the flesh of Christ; which had not drawn a yoke, since it had done no sin; nor did it plough the ground, i.e. it never knew the stain of revolt. The fact of the heifer being killed in an uncultivated valley signified the despised death of Christ, whereby all sins are washed away, and the devil is shown to be the arch-murderer. ________________________

THIRD

25:29 Qui vendiderit domum intra urbis muros, habebit licentiam redimendi, donec unus impleatur annus.
*H He that selleth a house within the walls of a city, shall have the liberty to redeem it, until one year be expired.


Ver. 29. City. These houses are of greater consequence, and therefore God dissuades his people from selling them; though if they think proper to do so, he holds out an encouragement to those who buy, that they may afford a better price, on the prospect of keeping possession for ever. M.

Ἐὰν δέ τις ἀποδῶται οἰκίαν οἰκητὴν ἐν πόλει τετειχισμένῃ, καὶ ἔσται ἡ λύτρωσις αὐτῆς, ἕως πληρωθῇ· ἐνιαυτὸς ἡμερῶν ἔσται ἡ λύτρωσις αὐτῆς.
וְ/אִ֗ישׁ כִּֽי יִמְכֹּ֤ר בֵּית מוֹשַׁב֙ עִ֣יר חוֹמָ֔ה וְ/הָיְתָה֙ גְּאֻלָּת֔/וֹ עַד תֹּ֖ם שְׁנַ֣ת מִמְכָּר֑/וֹ יָמִ֖ים תִּהְיֶ֥ה גְאֻלָּתֽ/וֹ
25:30 Si non redemerit, et anni circulus fuerit evolutus, emptor possidebit eam, et posteri ejus in perpetuum, et redimi non poterit, etiam in jubilaeo.
If he redeem it not, and the whole year be fully out, the buyer shall possess it, and his posterity for ever, and it cannot be redeemed, not even in the jubilee.
Ἐὰν δὲ μὴ λυτρωθῇ ἕως ἂν πληρωθῇ αὐτῆς ἐνιαυτὸς ὅλος, κυρωθήσεται ἡ οἰκία ἡ οὖσα ἐν πόλει τῇ ἐχούσῃ τεῖχος, βεβαίως τῷ κτησαμένῳ αὐτὴν εἰς τὰς γενεὰς αὐτοῦ, καὶ οὐκ ἐξελεύσεται ἐν τῇ ἀφέσει.
וְ/אִ֣ם לֹֽא יִגָּאֵ֗ל עַד מְלֹ֣את ל/וֹ֮ שָׁנָ֣ה תְמִימָה֒ וְ֠/קָם הַ/בַּ֨יִת אֲשֶׁר בָּ/עִ֜יר אֲשֶׁר לא ל֣/וֹ חֹמָ֗ה לַ/צְּמִיתֻ֛ת לַ/קֹּנֶ֥ה אֹת֖/וֹ לְ/דֹרֹתָ֑י/ו לֹ֥א יֵצֵ֖א בַּ/יֹּבֵֽל
25:31 Sin autem in villa domus, quae muros non habet, agrorum jure vendetur : si ante redempta non fuerit, in jubilaeo revertetur ad dominum.
But if the house be in a village, that hath no walls, it shall be sold according to the same law as the fields. If it be not redeemed before, in the jubilee it shall return to the owner.
Αἱ δὲ οἰκίαι αἱ ἐν ἐπαύλεσιν, αἷς οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν αὐταῖς τεῖχος κύκλῳ, πρὸς τὸν ἀγρὸν τῆς γῆς λογισθήσονται· λυτρωταὶ διαπαντὸς ἔσονται, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀφέσει ἐξελεύσονται.
וּ/בָתֵּ֣י הַ/חֲצֵרִ֗ים אֲשֶׁ֨ר אֵין לָ/הֶ֤ם חֹמָה֙ סָבִ֔יב עַל שְׂדֵ֥ה הָ/אָ֖רֶץ יֵחָשֵׁ֑ב גְּאֻלָּה֙ תִּהְיֶה לּ֔/וֹ וּ/בַ/יֹּבֵ֖ל יֵצֵֽא
25:32 Aedes Levitarum quae in urbibus sunt, semper possunt redimi :
The houses of Levites, which are in cities, may always be redeemed.
Καὶ αἱ πόλεις τῶν Λευιτῶν, οἰκίαι τῶν πόλεων κατασχέσεως αὐτῶν, λυτρωταὶ διαπαντὸς ἔσονται τοῖς Λευίταις.
וְ/עָרֵי֙ הַ/לְוִיִּ֔ם בָּתֵּ֖י עָרֵ֣י אֲחֻזָּתָ֑/ם גְּאֻלַּ֥ת עוֹלָ֖ם תִּהְיֶ֥ה לַ/לְוִיִּֽם
25:33 si redemptae non fuerint, in jubilaeo revertentur ad dominos, quia domus urbium Levitarum pro possessionibus sunt inter filios Israel.
*H If they be not redeemed, in the jubilee they shall all return to the owners: because the houses of the cities of the Levites are for their possessions among the children of Israel.


Ver. 33. Owners. The Levites had no other possessions, but these cities and 2000 cubits of land around them. The priests might buy of one another. Jer. xxxi. 7.

Καὶ ὃς ἂν λυτρώσηται παρὰ τῶν Λευιτῶν, καὶ ἐξελεύσεται ἡ διάπρασις αὐτῶν οἰκιῶν πόλεως κατασχέσεως αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ ἀφέσει, ὅτι οἰκίαι τῶν πόλεων τῶν Λευιτῶν κατάσχεσις αὐτῶν ἐν μέσῳ υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ.
וַ/אֲשֶׁ֤ר יִגְאַל֙ מִן הַ/לְוִיִּ֔ם וְ/יָצָ֧א מִמְכַּר בַּ֛יִת וְ/עִ֥יר אֲחֻזָּת֖/וֹ בַּ/יֹּבֵ֑ל כִּ֣י בָתֵּ֞י עָרֵ֣י הַ/לְוִיִּ֗ם הִ֚וא אֲחֻזָּתָ֔/ם בְּ/ת֖וֹךְ בְּנֵ֥י יִשְׂרָאֵֽל
25:34 Suburbana autem eorum non veneant, quia possessio sempiterna est.
But let not their suburbs be sold, because it is a perpetual possession.
Καὶ οἱ ἀγροὶ ἀφωρισμένοι ταῖς πόλεσιν αὐτῶν οὐ πραθήσονται, ὅτι κατάσχεσις αἰωνία τοῦτο αὐτῶν ἐστον.
וּֽ/שְׂדֵ֛ה מִגְרַ֥שׁ עָרֵי/הֶ֖ם לֹ֣א יִמָּכֵ֑ר כִּֽי אֲחֻזַּ֥ת עוֹלָ֛ם ה֖וּא לָ/הֶֽם
25:35 Si attenuatus fuerit frater tuus, et infirmus manu, et susceperis eum quasi advenam et peregrinum, et vixerit tecum,
*H If thy brother be impoverished, and weak of hand, and thou receive him as a stranger and sojourner, and he live with thee:


Ver. 35. And thou. Heb. "thou shalt receive him: and of the stranger...(36) take no usury." There are two precepts; to relieve those in distress, and not to injury any one. C.

Ἐὰν δὲ πένηται ὁ ἀδελφός σοῦ ὁ μετὰ σοῦ, καὶ ἀδυνατήσῃ ταῖς χερσὶ παρὰ σοὺ, ἀντιλήψῃ αὐτοῦ ὡς προσηλύτου καὶ παροίκου, καὶ ζήσεται ὁ ἀδελφός σου μετὰ σοῦ.
וְ/כִֽי יָמ֣וּךְ אָחִ֔י/ךָ וּ/מָ֥טָה יָד֖/וֹ עִמָּ֑/ךְ וְ/הֶֽחֱזַ֣קְתָּ בּ֔/וֹ גֵּ֧ר וְ/תוֹשָׁ֛ב וָ/חַ֖י עִמָּֽ/ךְ
25:36 ne accipias usuras ab eo, nec amplius quam dedisti : time Deum tuum, ut vivere possit frater tuus apud te.
Take not usury of him nor more than thou gavest. Fear thy God, that thy brother may live with thee.
Οὐ λήψῃ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τόκον, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ πλήθει· καὶ φοβηθήσῃ τὸν Θεόν σου· ἐγὼ Κύριος· καὶ ζήσεται ὁ ἀδελφός σου μετὰ σοῦ.
אַל תִּקַּ֤ח מֵֽ/אִתּ/וֹ֙ נֶ֣שֶׁךְ וְ/תַרְבִּ֔ית וְ/יָרֵ֖אתָ מֵֽ/אֱלֹהֶ֑י/ךָ וְ/חֵ֥י אָחִ֖י/ךָ עִמָּֽ/ךְ
25:37 Pecuniam tuam non dabis ei ad usuram, et frugum superabundantiam non exiges.
Thou shalt not give him thy money upon usury: nor exact of him any increase of fruits.
Τὸ ἀργύριόν σου οὐ δώσεις αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τὸκῳ, καὶ ἐπὶ πλεονασμῷ οὐ δώσεις αὐτῷ τὰ βρώματά σου.
אֶ֨ת כַּסְפְּ/ךָ֔ לֹֽא תִתֵּ֥ן ל֖/וֹ בְּ/נֶ֑שֶׁךְ וּ/בְ/מַרְבִּ֖ית לֹא תִתֵּ֥ן אָכְלֶֽ/ךָ
25:38 Ego Dominus Deus vester, qui eduxi vos de terra Aegypti, ut darem vobis terram Chanaan, et essem vester Deus.
I am the Lord your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, that I might give you the land of Chanaan, and might be your God.
Ἐγὼ Κύριος ὁ Θεὸς ὑμῶν, ὁ ἐξαγαγὼν ὑμᾶς ἐκ γῆς Αἰγύπτου, δοῦναι ὑμῖν τὴν γῆν Χαναὰν, ὥστε εἶναι ὑμῶν Θεός.
אֲנִ֗י יְהוָה֙ אֱלֹ֣הֵי/כֶ֔ם אֲשֶׁר הוֹצֵ֥אתִי אֶתְ/כֶ֖ם מֵ/אֶ֣רֶץ מִצְרָ֑יִם לָ/תֵ֤ת לָ/כֶם֙ אֶת אֶ֣רֶץ כְּנַ֔עַן לִ/הְי֥וֹת לָ/כֶ֖ם לֵ/אלֹהִֽים
25:39 Si paupertate compulsus vendiderit se tibi frater tuus, non eum opprimes servitute famulorum,
If thy brother constrained by poverty, sell himself to thee: thou shalt not oppress him with the service of bondservants.
Ἐὰν δὲ ταπεινωθῇ ὁ ἀδελφός σου παρὰ σοὶ, καὶ πραθῇ σοι, οὐ δουλεύσει σοι δουλείαν οἰκέτου.
וְ/כִֽי יָמ֥וּךְ אָחִ֛י/ךָ עִמָּ֖/ךְ וְ/נִמְכַּר לָ֑/ךְ לֹא תַעֲבֹ֥ד בּ֖/וֹ עֲבֹ֥דַת עָֽבֶד
* Summa
*S Part 2, Ques 105, Article 4

[I-II, Q. 105, Art. 4]

Whether the Old Law Set Forth Suitable Precepts About the Members of the Household?

Objection 1: It would seem that the Old Law set forth unsuitable precepts about the members of the household. For a slave "is in every respect his master's property," as the Philosopher states (Polit. i, 2). But that which is a man's property should be his always. Therefore it was unfitting for the Law to command (Ex. 21:2) that slaves should "go out free" in the seventh year.

Obj. 2: Further, a slave is his master's property, just as an animal, e.g. an ass or an ox. But it is commanded (Deut. 22:1-3) with regard to animals, that they should be brought back to the owner if they be found going astray. Therefore it was unsuitably commanded (Deut. 23:15): "Thou shalt not deliver to his master the servant that is fled to thee."

Obj. 3: Further, the Divine Law should encourage mercy more even than the human law. But according to human laws those who ill-treat their servants and maidservants are severely punished: and the worse treatment of all seems to be that which results in death. Therefore it is unfittingly commanded (Ex. 21:20, 21) that "he that striketh his bondman or bondwoman with a rod, and they die under his hands . . . if the party remain alive a day . . . he shall not be subject to the punishment, because it is his money."

Obj. 4: Further, the dominion of a master over his slave differs from that of the father over his son (Polit. i, 3). But the dominion of master over slave gives the former the right to sell his servant or maidservant. Therefore it was unfitting for the Law to allow a man to sell his daughter to be a servant or handmaid (Ex. 21:7).

Obj. 5: Further, a father has power over his son. But he who has power over the sinner has the right to punish him for his offenses. Therefore it is unfittingly commanded (Deut. 21:18, seqq.) that a father should bring his son to the ancients of the city for punishment.

Obj. 6: Further, the Lord forbade them (Deut. 7:3, seqq.) to make marriages with strange nations; and commanded the dissolution of such as had been contracted (1 Esdras 10). Therefore it was unfitting to allow them to marry captive women from strange nations (Deut. 21:10, seqq.).

Obj. 7: Further, the Lord forbade them to marry within certain degrees of consanguinity and affinity, according to Lev. 18. Therefore it was unsuitably commanded (Deut. 25:5) that if any man died without issue, his brother should marry his wife.

Obj. 8: Further, as there is the greatest familiarity between man and wife, so should there be the staunchest fidelity. But this is impossible if the marriage bond can be sundered. Therefore it was unfitting for the Lord to allow (Deut. 24:1-4) a man to put his wife away, by writing a bill of divorce; and besides, that he could not take her again to wife.

Objection 9: Further, just as a wife can be faithless to her husband, so can a slave be to his master, and a son to his father. But the Law did not command any sacrifice to be offered in order to investigate the injury done by a servant to his master, or by a son to his father. Therefore it seems to have been superfluous for the Law to prescribe the "sacrifice of jealousy" in order to investigate a wife's adultery (Num. 5:12, seqq.). Consequently it seems that the Law put forth unsuitable judicial precepts about the members of the household.

_On the contrary,_ It is written (Ps. 18:10): "The judgments of the Lord are true, justified in themselves."

_I answer that,_ The mutual relations of the members of a household regard everyday actions directed to the necessities of life, as the Philosopher states (Polit. i, 1). Now the preservation of man's life may be considered from two points of view. First, from the point of view of the individual, i.e. in so far as man preserves his individuality: and for the purpose of the preservation of life, considered from this standpoint, man has at his service external goods, by means of which he provides himself with food and clothing and other such necessaries of life: in the handling of which he has need of servants. Secondly man's life is preserved from the point of view of the species, by means of generation, for which purpose man needs a wife, that she may bear him children. Accordingly the mutual relations of the members of a household admit of a threefold combination: viz. those of master and servant, those of husband and wife, and those of father and son: and in respect of all these relationships the Old Law contained fitting precepts. Thus, with regard to servants, it commanded them to be treated with moderation--both as to their work, lest, to wit, they should be burdened with excessive labor, wherefore the Lord commanded (Deut. 5:14) that on the Sabbath day "thy manservant and thy maidservant" should "rest even as thyself"--and also as to the infliction of punishment, for it ordered those who maimed their servants, to set them free (Ex. 21:26, 27). Similar provision was made in favor of a maidservant when married to anyone (Ex. 21:7, seqq.). Moreover, with regard to those servants in particular who were taken from among the people, the Law prescribed that they should go out free in the seventh year taking whatever they brought with them, even their clothes (Ex. 21:2, seqq.): and furthermore it was commanded (Deut. 15:13) that they should be given provision for the journey.

With regard to wives the Law made certain prescriptions as to those who were to be taken in marriage: for instance, that they should marry a wife from their own tribe (Num. 36:6): and this lest confusion should ensue in the property of various tribes. Also that a man should marry the wife of his deceased brother when the latter died without issue, as prescribed in Deut. 25:5, 6: and this in order that he who could not have successors according to carnal origin, might at least have them by a kind of adoption, and that thus the deceased might not be entirely forgotten. It also forbade them to marry certain women; to wit, women of strange nations, through fear of their losing their faith; and those of their near kindred, on account of the natural respect due to them. Furthermore it prescribed in what way wives were to be treated after marriage. To wit, that they should not be slandered without grave reason: wherefore it ordered punishment to be inflicted on the man who falsely accused his wife of a crime (Deut. 22:13, seqq.). Also that a man's hatred of his wife should not be detrimental to his son (Deut. 21:15, seqq.). Again, that a man should not ill-use his wife through hatred of her, but rather that he should write a bill of divorce and send her away (Deut. 24:1). Furthermore, in order to foster conjugal love from the very outset, it was prescribed that no public duties should be laid on a recently married man, so that he might be free to rejoice with his wife.

With regard to children, the Law commanded parents to educate them by instructing them in the faith: hence it is written (Ex. 12:26, seqq.): "When your children shall say to you: What is the meaning of this service? You shall say to them: It is the victim of the passage of the Lord." Moreover, they are commanded to teach them the rules of right conduct: wherefore it is written (Deut. 21:20) that the parents had to say: "He slighteth hearing our admonitions, he giveth himself to revelling and to debauchery."

Reply Obj. 1: As the children of Israel had been delivered by the Lord from slavery, and for this reason were bound to the service of God, He did not wish them to be slaves in perpetuity. Hence it is written (Lev. 25:39, seqq.): "If thy brother, constrained by poverty, sell himself to thee, thou shalt not oppress him with the service of bondservants: but he shall be as a hireling and a sojourner . . . for they are My servants, and I brought them out of the land of Egypt: let them not be sold as bondmen": and consequently, since they were slaves, not absolutely but in a restricted sense, after a lapse of time they were set free.

Reply Obj. 2: This commandment is to be understood as referring to a servant whom his master seeks to kill, or to help him in committing some sin.

Reply Obj. 3: With regard to the ill-treatment of servants, the Law seems to have taken into consideration whether it was certain or not: since if it were certain, the Law fixed a penalty: for maiming, the penalty was forfeiture of the servant, who was ordered to be given his liberty: while for slaying, the punishment was that of a murderer, when the slave died under the blow of his master. If, however, the hurt was not certain, but only probable, the Law did not impose any penalty as regards a man's own servant: for instance if the servant did not die at once after being struck, but after some days: for it would be uncertain whether he died as a result of the blows he received. For when a man struck a free man, yet so that he did not die at once, but "walked abroad again upon his staff," he that struck him was quit of murder, even though afterwards he died. Nevertheless he was bound to pay the doctor's fees incurred by the victim of his assault. But this was not the case if a man killed his own servant: because whatever the servant had, even his very person, was the property of his master. Hence the reason for his not being subject to a pecuniary penalty is set down as being "because it is his money."

Reply Obj. 4: As stated above (ad 1), no Jew could own a Jew as a slave absolutely: but only in a restricted sense, as a hireling for a fixed time. And in this way the Law permitted that through stress of poverty a man might sell his son or daughter. This is shown by the very words of the Law, where we read: "If any man sell his daughter to be a servant, she shall not go out as bondwomen are wont to go out." Moreover, in this way a man might sell not only his son, but even himself, rather as a hireling than as a slave, according to Lev. 25:39, 40: "If thy brother, constrained by poverty, sell himself to thee, thou shalt not oppress him with the service of bondservants: but he shall be as a hireling and a sojourner."

Reply Obj. 5: As the Philosopher says (Ethic. x, 9), the paternal authority has the power only of admonition; but not that of coercion, whereby rebellious and headstrong persons can be compelled. Hence in this case the Lord commanded the stubborn son to be punished by the rulers of the city.

Reply Obj. 6: The Lord forbade them to marry strange women on account of the danger of seduction, lest they should be led astray into idolatry. And specially did this prohibition apply with respect to those nations who dwelt near them, because it was more probable that they would adopt their religious practices. When, however, the woman was willing to renounce idolatry, and become an adherent of the Law, it was lawful to take her in marriage: as was the case with Ruth whom Booz married. Wherefore she said to her mother-in-law (Ruth 1:16): "Thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God." Accordingly it was not permitted to marry a captive woman unless she first shaved her hair, and pared her nails, and put off the raiment wherein she was taken, and mourned for her father and mother, in token that she renounced idolatry for ever.

Reply Obj. 7: As Chrysostom says (Hom. xlviii super Matth.), "because death was an unmitigated evil for the Jews, who did everything with a view to the present life, it was ordained that children should be born to the dead man through his brother: thus affording a certain mitigation to his death. It was not, however, ordained that any other than his brother or one next of kin should marry the wife of the deceased, because" the offspring of this union "would not be looked upon as that of the deceased: and moreover, a stranger would not be under the obligation to support the household of the deceased, as his brother would be bound to do from motives of justice on account of his relationship." Hence it is evident that in marrying the wife of his dead brother, he took his dead brother's place.

Reply Obj. 8: The Law permitted a wife to be divorced, not as though it were just absolutely speaking, but on account of the Jews' hardness of heart, as Our Lord declared (Matt. 19:8). Of this, however, we must speak more fully in the treatise on Matrimony (Supp., Q. 67).

Reply Obj. 9: Wives break their conjugal faith by adultery, both easily, for motives of pleasure, and hiddenly, since "the eye of the adulterer observeth darkness" (Job 24:15). But this does not apply to a son in respect of his father, or to a servant in respect of his master: because the latter infidelity is not the result of the lust of pleasure, but rather of malice: nor can it remain hidden like the infidelity of an adulterous woman. ________________________

25:40 sed quasi mercenarius et colonus erit : usque ad annum jubilaeum operabitur apud te,
*H But he shall be as a hireling, and a sojourner: he shall work with thee until the year of the jubilee.


Ver. 40. Hireling, who has engaged to work for a term of years, either of six, or at most 49. After the year of the jubilee, he might enter into fresh engagements with his late master. H. — The Hebrews have always hated slavery. We have never been slaves to any. Jo. viii. 33. They were not allowed to part with their liberty, except from absolute distress; (Maimonides) and then they do not submit to what they call intrinsical slavery. — Children. His wife and children were not made slaves with him. But if his master gave him a second wife, her children belonged to their common master. Seld. Jur. vi. 1.

Ὡς μισθωτὸς ἢ πάροικος ἔσται σοι· ἕως τοῦ ἔτους τῆς ἀφέσεως ἐργᾶται παρὰ σοί,
כְּ/שָׂכִ֥יר כְּ/תוֹשָׁ֖ב יִהְיֶ֣ה עִמָּ֑/ךְ עַד שְׁנַ֥ת הַ/יֹּבֵ֖ל יַעֲבֹ֥ד עִמָּֽ/ךְ
25:41 et postea egredietur cum liberis suis, et revertetur ad cognationem, ad possessionem patrum suorum.
And afterwards he shall go out with his children: and shall return to his kindred and to the possession of his fathers.
καὶ ἐξελεύσεται τῇ ἀφέσει, καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ μετʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπελεύσεται εἰς τὴν γενεὰν αὐτοῦ, εἰς τὴν κατάσχεσιν τὴν πατρικὴν ἀποδραμεῖται.
וְ/יָצָא֙ מֵֽ/עִמָּ֔/ךְ ה֖וּא וּ/בָנָ֣י/ו עִמּ֑/וֹ וְ/שָׁב֙ אֶל מִשְׁפַּחְתּ֔/וֹ וְ/אֶל אֲחֻזַּ֥ת אֲבֹתָ֖י/ו יָשֽׁוּב
25:42 Mei enim servi sunt, et ego eduxi eos de terra Aegypti : non veneant conditione servorum :
For they are my servants, and I brought them out of the land of Egypt: let them not be sold as bondmen.
Διότι οἰκέται μου εἰσὶν οὗτοι, οὓς ἐξήγαγον ἐκ γῆς Αἰγύπτου· οὐ πραθήσεται ἐν πράσει οἰκέτου.
כִּֽי עֲבָדַ֣/י הֵ֔ם אֲשֶׁר הוֹצֵ֥אתִי אֹתָ֖/ם מֵ/אֶ֣רֶץ מִצְרָ֑יִם לֹ֥א יִמָּכְר֖וּ מִמְכֶּ֥רֶת עָֽבֶד
25:43 ne affligas eum per potentiam, sed metuito Deum tuum.
*H Afflict him not by might: but fear thy God.


Ver. 43. Might. Heb. "rigour or haughtiness." Sept. "Do not make him strain himself with work."

Οὐ κατατενεῖς αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ μόχθῳ, καὶ φοβηθήσῃ Κύριον τὸν Θεόν σου,
לֹא תִרְדֶּ֥ה ב֖/וֹ בְּ/פָ֑רֶךְ וְ/יָרֵ֖אתָ מֵ/אֱלֹהֶֽי/ךָ
25:44 Servus et ancilla sint vobis de nationibus quae in circuitu vestro sunt :
Let your bondmen, and your bondwomen, be of the nations that are round about you:
καὶ παῖς καὶ παιδίσκη ὅσοι ἂν γένωνταί σοι, ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν ὅσοι κύκλῳ σου εἰσὶν, ἀπʼ αὐτῶν κτήσεσθε δοῦλον καὶ δούλην,
וְ/עַבְדְּ/ךָ֥ וַ/אֲמָתְ/ךָ֖ אֲשֶׁ֣ר יִהְיוּ לָ֑/ךְ מֵ/אֵ֣ת הַ/גּוֹיִ֗ם אֲשֶׁר֙ סְבִיבֹ֣תֵי/כֶ֔ם מֵ/הֶ֥ם תִּקְנ֖וּ עֶ֥בֶד וְ/אָמָֽה
25:45 et de advenis qui peregrinantur apud vos, vel qui ex his nati fuerint in terra vestra, hos habebitis famulos :
*H And of the strangers that sojourn among you, or that were born of them in your land. These you shall have for servants:


Ver. 45. Servants, or slaves, whom you may treat with greater severity than the Hebrews, and keep for ever, even though they may have embraced the true faith. But still you must remember that they are your brethren.

καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν υἱῶν τῶν παροίκων τῶν ὄντων ἐν ὑμῖν, ἀπὸ τούτων κτήσεσθε καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν συγγενῶν αὐτῶν, ὅσοι ἂν γένωνται ἐν τῇ γῇ ὑμῶν, ἔστωσαν ὑμῖν εἰς κατάσχεσιν.
וְ֠/גַם מִ/בְּנֵ֨י הַ/תּוֹשָׁבִ֜ים הַ/גָּרִ֤ים עִמָּ/כֶם֙ מֵ/הֶ֣ם תִּקְנ֔וּ וּ/מִ/מִּשְׁפַּחְתָּ/ם֙ אֲשֶׁ֣ר עִמָּ/כֶ֔ם אֲשֶׁ֥ר הוֹלִ֖ידוּ בְּ/אַרְצְ/כֶ֑ם וְ/הָי֥וּ לָ/כֶ֖ם לַֽ/אֲחֻזָּֽה
25:46 et haereditario jure transmittetis ad posteros, ac possidebitis in aeternum : fratres autem vestros filios Israel ne opprimatis per potentiam.
And by right of inheritance shall leave them to your posterity, and shall possess them for ever. But oppress not your brethren the children of Israel by might.
Καὶ καταμεριεῖτε αὐτοὺς τοῖς τέκνοις ὑμῶν μεθʼ ὑμᾶς· καὶ ἔσονται ὑμῖν κατόχιμοι εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα· τῶν δὲ ἀδελφῶν ὑμῶν τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ, ἕκαστος τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ οὐ κατατενεῖ αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς μόχθοις.
וְ/הִתְנַחֲלְתֶּ֨ם אֹתָ֜/ם לִ/בְנֵי/כֶ֤ם אַחֲרֵי/כֶם֙ לָ/רֶ֣שֶׁת אֲחֻזָּ֔ה לְ/עֹלָ֖ם בָּ/הֶ֣ם תַּעֲבֹ֑דוּ וּ/בְ/אַ֨חֵי/כֶ֤ם בְּנֵֽי יִשְׂרָאֵל֙ אִ֣ישׁ בְּ/אָחִ֔י/ו לֹא תִרְדֶּ֥ה ב֖/וֹ בְּ/פָֽרֶךְ
25:47 Si invaluerit apud vos manus advenae atque peregrini, et attenuatus frater tuus vendiderit se ei, aut cuiquam de stirpe ejus :
*H If the hand of a stranger or a sojourner grow strong among you, and thy brother being impoverished sell himself to him, or to any of his race:


Ver. 47. Stranger, or Gentile, who engages at least to keep the precepts given to Noe. H.

Ἐὰν δὲ εὕρῃ ἡ χεὶρ τοὺ προσηλύτου ἢ τοῦ παροίκου τοῦ παρὰ σοὶ, καὶ ἀπορηθεὶς ὁ ἀδελφός σου πραθῇ τῷ προσηλύτῳ ἢ τῷ παροίκῳ τῷ παρὰ σοὶ, ἢ ἐκ γενετῆς προσηλύτῳ,
וְ/כִ֣י תַשִּׂ֗יג יַ֣ד גֵּ֤ר וְ/תוֹשָׁב֙ עִמָּ֔/ךְ וּ/מָ֥ךְ אָחִ֖י/ךָ עִמּ֑/וֹ וְ/נִמְכַּ֗ר לְ/גֵ֤ר תּוֹשָׁב֙ עִמָּ֔/ךְ א֥וֹ לְ/עֵ֖קֶר מִשְׁפַּ֥חַת גֵּֽר
25:48 post venditionem potest redimi. Qui voluerit ex fratribus suis, redimet eum,
After the sale he may be redeemed. He that will of his brethren shall redeem him:
μετὰ τὸ πραθῆναι αὐτῷ, λύτρωσις ἔσται αὐτοῦ· εἷς τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ λυτρώσεται αὐτόν.
אַחֲרֵ֣י נִמְכַּ֔ר גְּאֻלָּ֖ה תִּהְיֶה לּ֑/וֹ אֶחָ֥ד מֵ/אֶחָ֖י/ו יִגְאָלֶֽ/נּוּ
25:49 et patruus, et patruelis, et consanguineus, et affinis. Sin autem et ipse potuerit, redimet se,
*H Either his uncle, or his uncle's son, or his kinsman, by blood, or by affinity. But if he himself be able also, he shall redeem himself:


Ver. 49. Himself. He might have saved up something by greater industry. The Athenians allowed their slaves the same privilege. C.

Ἀδελφὸς πατρὸς αὐτοῦ, ἢ υἱὸς ἀδελφοῦ πατρὸς λυτρώσεται αὐτόν, ἢ ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκείων τῶν σαρκῶν αὐτοῦ ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς αὐτοῦ λυτρῶται αὐτόν· ἐὰν δὲ εὐπορηθεὶς ταῖς χερσὶ λυτρῶται ἑαυτὸν,
אוֹ דֹד֞/וֹ א֤וֹ בֶן דֹּד/וֹ֙ יִגְאָלֶ֔/נּוּ אֽוֹ מִ/שְּׁאֵ֧ר בְּשָׂר֛/וֹ מִ/מִּשְׁפַּחְתּ֖/וֹ יִגְאָלֶ֑/נּוּ אֽוֹ הִשִּׂ֥יגָה יָד֖/וֹ וְ/נִגְאָֽל
25:50 supputatis dumtaxat annis a tempore venditionis suae usque ad annum jubilaeum : et pecunia, qua venditus fuerat, juxta annorum numerum, et rationem mercenarii supputata.
Counting only the years from the time of his selling unto the year of the jubilee: and counting the money that he was sold for, according to the number of the years and the reckoning of a hired servant.
καὶ συλλογιεῖται πρὸς τὸν κεκτημένον αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔτους οὗ ἀπέδοτο ἑαυτὸν αὐτῷ ἕως τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ τῆς ἀφέσεως· καὶ ἔσται τὸ ἀργύριον τῆς πράσεως αὐτοῦ ὡς μισθίου· ἔτος ἐξ ἔτους ἔσται μετʼ αὐτοῦ.
וְ/חִשַּׁב֙ עִם קֹנֵ֔/הוּ מִ/שְּׁנַת֙ הִמָּ֣כְר/וֹ ל֔/וֹ עַ֖ד שְׁנַ֣ת הַ/יֹּבֵ֑ל וְ/הָיָ֞ה כֶּ֤סֶף מִמְכָּר/וֹ֙ בְּ/מִסְפַּ֣ר שָׁנִ֔ים כִּ/ימֵ֥י שָׂכִ֖יר יִהְיֶ֥ה עִמּֽ/וֹ
25:51 Si plures fuerint anni qui remanent usque ad jubilaeum, secundum hos reddet et pretium :
If there be many years that remain until the jubilee, according to them shall he also repay the price.
Ἐὰν δέ τινι πλεῖον τῶν ἐτῶν ᾖ, πρὸς ταῦτα ἀποδώσει τὰ λύτρα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀργυρίου τῆς πράσεως αὐτοῦ.
אִם ע֥וֹד רַבּ֖וֹת בַּ/שָּׁנִ֑ים לְ/פִי/הֶן֙ יָשִׁ֣יב גְּאֻלָּת֔/וֹ מִ/כֶּ֖סֶף מִקְנָתֽ/וֹ
25:52 si pauci, ponet rationem cum eo juxta annorum numerum, et reddet emptori quod reliquum est annorum,
If few, he shall make the reckoning with him according to the number of the years: and shall repay to the buyer of what remaineth of the years.
Ἐὰν δὲ ὀλίγον καταλειφθῇ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐτῶν εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς ἀφέσεως, καὶ συλλογιεῖται αὐτῷ κατὰ τὰ ἔτη αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀποδώσει τὰ λύτρα αὐτοῦ ὡς μισθωτός·
וְ/אִם מְעַ֞ט נִשְׁאַ֧ר בַּ/שָּׁנִ֛ים עַד שְׁנַ֥ת הַ/יֹּבֵ֖ל וְ/חִשַּׁב ל֑/וֹ כְּ/פִ֣י שָׁנָ֔י/ו יָשִׁ֖יב אֶת גְּאֻלָּתֽ/וֹ
25:53 quibus ante servivit mercedibus imputatis : non affliget eum violenter in conspectu tuo.
*H His wages being allowed for which he served before: he shall not afflict him violently in thy sight.


Ver. 53. Wages. Heb. "as a yearly hired servant shall he be with him." What was customarily given to a hired servant for a certain number of years, might be a rule to judge how much was to be paid for redemption. H. — Thus if a man had engaged to serve 20 years for 100 sicles, and at the expiration of 10 years wished to redeem himself, he might do it for half that sum. Some think, that those Hebrews who had sold themselves to a Gentile, sojourning among them, could not take the benefit of the sabbatic year, (Ex. xxi. 6,) because Moses is silent on this head. But this argument is not satisfactory. C.

ἐνιαυτὸς ἐξ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἔσται μετʼ αὐτοῦ· οὐ κατατενεῖς αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ μόχθῳ ἐνώπιόν σου.
כִּ/שְׂכִ֥יר שָׁנָ֛ה בְּ/שָׁנָ֖ה יִהְיֶ֣ה עִמּ֑/וֹ לֹֽא יִרְדֶּ֥/נּֽוּ בְּ/פֶ֖רֶךְ לְ/עֵינֶֽי/ךָ
25:54 Quod si per haec redimi non potuerit, anno jubilaeo egredietur cum liberis suis.
And if by these means he cannot be redeemed, in the year of the jubilee he shall go out with his children.
Ἐὰν δὲ μὴ λυτρῶται κατὰ ταῦτα, ἐξελεύσεται ἐν τῷ ἔτει τῆς ἀφέσεως αὐτὸς καὶ τὰ παιδία αὐτοῦ μετʼ αὐτοῦ.
וְ/אִם לֹ֥א יִגָּאֵ֖ל בְּ/אֵ֑לֶּה וְ/יָצָא֙ בִּ/שְׁנַ֣ת הַ/יֹּבֵ֔ל ה֖וּא וּ/בָנָ֥י/ו עִמּֽ/וֹ
25:55 Mei enim sunt servi filii Israel, quos eduxi de terra Aegypti.
For the children of Israel are my servants, whom I brought forth out of the land of Egypt.
Ὅτι ἐμοὶ οἱ υἱοὶ Ἰσραὴλ οἰκέται εἰσὶ, παῖδές μου οὗτοί εἰσιν, οὓς ἐξήγαγον ἐκ γῆς Αἰγύπτου.
כִּֽי לִ֤/י בְנֵֽי יִשְׂרָאֵל֙ עֲבָדִ֔ים עֲבָדַ֣/י הֵ֔ם אֲשֶׁר הוֹצֵ֥אתִי אוֹתָ֖/ם מֵ/אֶ֣רֶץ מִצְרָ֑יִם אֲנִ֖י יְהוָ֥ה אֱלֹהֵי/כֶֽם
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