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* Footnotes
- A.M. 3840, A.C. 164.
*H Now king Antiochus was going through the higher countries, and he heard that the city of Elymais in Persia, was greatly renowned, and abounding in silver and gold,
Ver. 1. Higher, beyond the Euphrates. C. iii. 30. 37. C. — The city. Gr. Alex. &c. "a city in Elymais," &c. The Rom. copy, Syr. Jos. style the place Elymais, where the temple was. C. — Profane authors agree that this temple was very rich, and that Epiphanes attempted to plunder it. S. Jer. in Dan. xi. — Nanea. Venus or Diana was the deity there adored, whom the king pretended he would marry. 2 Mac. i. 13. and ix. 2. C. — The account of the death of Epiphanes is given to v. 16. and 2 B. ix. W.
*H And they rose up against him in battle, and he fled away from thence, and departed with great sadness, and returned towards Babylonia.
Ver. 4. Battle. it is not known whether Elymais belonged to the king. Strabo (16) observes it was very jealous of its liberty, which it maintained against the Persians and the successors of Alexander. C. — Babylonia. At last he returned towards the country of Babylon. But before he arrived, the news of his generals' bad success in Judea filled him with vexation, and brought on desperate diseases. v. 8, and 2 B. ix. 5. W. — He intended to pass by the country or city of Babylon, but was prevented by illness on the mountains which divide it from Persia.
*H And whilst he was in Persia there came one that told him how the armies that were in the land of Juda were put to flight:
Ver. 5. Persia, at Ecbatana. He expired at Tabis, having fallen from his chariot, &c. 2 B. ix. C.
*H But now I remember the evils that I did in Jerusalem, from whence also I took away all the spoils of gold, and of silver, that were in it, and I sent to destroy the inhabitants of Juda without cause.
Ver. 12. Evils. All this repentance was fictitious. 2 B. ix. W.
*H Then he called Philip, one of his friends, and he made him regent over all his kingdom.
Ver. 14. Friends, educated with him. He appointed him regent instead of Lysias. C. — His son Eupator was only nine years old. Appian. — He made him appear and be recognized by the army. Eupator means one "born of a good father." C.
* Footnotes
- A.M. 3841.
*H So king Antiochus died there in the year one hundred and forty-nine.
Ver. 16. Nine. He began his persecution A. 143, so that it lasted six years and almost four months, or 2300 days, (Dan. viii. 14.) during which time Judas purified the temple, some months before the death of Epiphanes. W.
* Footnotes
- A.M. 3841.
*H And they came together, and besieged them in the year one hundred and fifty, and they made battering slings and engines.
Ver. 20. Fifty. How then was peace made in 148, as we read 2 B. xi. 21.? Usher (3841) supposes the era was reckoned according to the Chaldee custom, which defers it six months. Basnage (ii. 1.) rather thins that the letter is placed out of its proper order, and should occur at the beginning of Eupator's reign. See 2 B. x. — Slings, or to thrown stones, &c. ballistas. H. — The Gr. and Josephus rather indicate terraces, or towers where the machines were placed.
* Summa
*S Part 1, Ques 23, Article 2
[I, Q. 23, Art. 2]
Whether Predestination Places Anything in the Predestined?
Objection 1: It seems that predestination does place something in the predestined. For every action of itself causes passion. If therefore predestination is action in God, predestination must be passion in the predestined.
Obj. 2: Further, Origen says on the text, "He who was predestined," etc. (Rom. 1:4): "Predestination is of one who is not; destination, of one who is." And Augustine says (De Praed. Sanct.): "What is predestination but the destination of one who is?" Therefore predestination is only of one who actually exists; and it thus places something in the predestined.
Obj. 3: Further, preparation is something in the thing prepared. But predestination is the preparation of God's benefits, as Augustine says (De Praed. Sanct. ii, 14). Therefore predestination is something in the predestined.
Obj. 4: Further, nothing temporal enters into the definition of eternity. But grace, which is something temporal, is found in the definition of predestination. For predestination is the preparation of grace in the present; and of glory in the future. Therefore predestination is not anything eternal. So it must needs be that it is in the predestined, and not in God; for whatever is in Him is eternal.
_On the contrary,_ Augustine says (De Praed. Sanct. ii, 14) that "predestination is the foreknowledge of God's benefits." But foreknowledge is not in the things foreknown, but in the person who foreknows them. Therefore, predestination is in the one who predestines, and not in the predestined.
_I answer that,_ Predestination is not anything in the predestined; but only in the person who predestines. We have said above that predestination is a part of providence. Now providence is not anything in the things provided for; but is a type in the mind of the provider, as was proved above (Q. 22, A. 1). But the execution of providence which is called government, is in a passive way in the thing governed, and in an active way in the governor. Whence it is clear that predestination is a kind of type of the ordering of some persons towards eternal salvation, existing in the divine mind. The execution, however, of this order is in a passive way in the predestined, but actively in God. The execution of predestination is the calling and magnification; according to the Apostle (Rom. 8:30): "Whom He predestined, them He also called and whom He called, them He also magnified [Vulg. 'justified']."
Reply Obj. 1: Actions passing out to external matter imply of themselves passion--for example, the actions of warming and cutting; but not so actions remaining in the agent, as understanding and willing, as said above (Q. 14, A. 2; Q. 18, A. 3, ad 1). Predestination is an action of this latter class. Wherefore, it does not put anything in the predestined. But its execution, which passes out to external things, has an effect in them.
Reply Obj. 2: Destination sometimes denotes a real mission of someone to a given end; thus, destination can only be said of someone actually existing. It is taken, however, in another sense for a mission which a person conceives in the mind; and in this manner we are said to destine a thing which we firmly propose in our mind. In this latter way it is said that Eleazar "determined not to do any unlawful things for the love of life" (2 Macc. 6:20). Thus destination can be of a thing which does not exist. Predestination, however, by reason of the antecedent nature it implies, can be attributed to a thing which does not actually exist; in whatsoever way destination is accepted.
Reply Obj. 3: Preparation is twofold: of the patient in respect to passion and this is in the thing prepared; and of the agent to action, and this is in the agent. Such a preparation is predestination, and as an agent by intellect is said to prepare itself to act, accordingly as it preconceives the idea of what is to be done. Thus, God from all eternity prepared by predestination, conceiving the idea of the order of some towards salvation.
Reply Obj. 4: Grace does not come into the definition of predestination, as something belonging to its essence, but inasmuch as predestination implies a relation to grace, as of cause to effect, and of act to its object. Whence it does not follow that predestination is anything temporal. _______________________
THIRD
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 145, Article 4
[II-II, Q. 145, Art. 4]
Whether Honesty Should Be Reckoned a Part of Temperance?
Objection 1: It would seem that honesty should not be reckoned a part of temperance. For it is not possible for a thing to be part and whole in respect of one same thing. Now "temperance is a part of honesty," according to Tully (De Invent. Rhet. ii, 53). Therefore honesty is not a part of temperance.
Obj. 2: Further, it is stated (3 Esdra 3:21) that "wine . . . makes all thoughts honest." But the use of wine, especially in excess, in which sense the passage quoted should seemingly be taken, pertains to intemperance rather than to temperance. Therefore honesty is not a part of temperance.
Obj. 3: Further, the honest is that which is deserving of honor. Now "it is the just and the brave who receive most honor," according to the Philosopher (Rhet. i, 9). Therefore honesty pertains, not to temperance, but rather to justice and fortitude: wherefore Eleazar said as related in 2 Macc. 6:28: "I suffer an honorable (_honesta_) death, for the most venerable and most holy laws."
_On the contrary,_ Macrobius [*In Somn. Scip. i] reckons honesty a part of temperance, and Ambrose (De Offic. i, 43) ascribes honesty as pertaining especially to temperance.
_I answer that,_ As stated above (A. 2), honesty is a kind of spiritual beauty. Now the disgraceful is opposed to the beautiful: and opposites are most manifest of one another. Wherefore seemingly honesty belongs especially to temperance, since the latter repels that which is most disgraceful and unbecoming to man, namely animal lusts. Hence by its very name temperance is most significative of the good of reason to which it belongs to moderate and temper evil desires. Accordingly honesty, as being ascribed for a special reason to temperance, is reckoned as a part thereof, not as a subjective part, nor as an annexed virtue, but as an integral part or condition attaching thereto.
Reply Obj. 1: Temperance is accounted a subjective part of honesty taken in a wide sense: it is not thus that the latter is reckoned a part of temperance.
Reply Obj. 2: When a man is intoxicated, "the wine makes his thoughts honest" according to his own reckoning because he deems himself great and deserving of honor [*Cf. Q. 148, A. 6].
Reply Obj. 3: Greater honor is due to justice and fortitude than to temperance, because they excel in the point of a greater good: yet greater honor is due to temperance, because the vices which it holds in check are the most deserving of reproach, as stated above. Thus honesty is more to be ascribed to temperance according to the rule given by the Apostle (1 Cor. 12:23) when he says that "our uncomely parts have more abundant comeliness," which, namely, destroys whatever is uncomely. _______________________
*H And the number of his army was an hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants trained to battle.
Ver. 30. Hundred. The 2 B. xi. 2. specifies 80,000. But it speaks of a subsequent action.
* Summa
*S Part 3, Ques 123, Article 8
[II-II, Q. 123, Art. 8]
Whether the Brave Man Delights in His Act?
Objection 1: It seems that the brave man delights in his act. For "delight is the unhindered action of a connatural habit" (Ethic. x, 4, 6, 8). Now the brave deed proceeds from a habit which acts after the manner of nature. Therefore the brave man takes pleasure in his act.
Obj. 2: Further, Ambrose, commenting on Gal. 5:22, "But the fruit of the Spirit is charity, joy, peace," says that deeds of virtue are called "fruits because they refresh man's mind with a holy and pure delight." Now the brave man performs acts of virtue. Therefore he takes pleasure in his act.
Obj. 3: Further, the weaker is overcome by the stronger. Now the brave man has a stronger love for the good of virtue than for his own body, which he exposes to the danger of death. Therefore the delight in the good of virtue banishes the pain of the body; and consequently the brave man does all things with pleasure.
_On the contrary,_ The Philosopher says (Ethic. iii, 9) that "the brave man seems to have no delight in his act."
_I answer that,_ As stated above (I-II, Q. 31, AA. 3, 4, 5) where we were treating of the passions, pleasure is twofold; one is bodily, resulting from bodily contact, the other is spiritual, resulting from an apprehension of the soul. It is the latter which properly results from deeds of virtue, since in them we consider the good of reason. Now the principal act of fortitude is to endure, not only certain things that are unpleasant as apprehended by the soul--for instance, the loss of bodily life, which the virtuous man loves not only as a natural good, but also as being necessary for acts of virtue, and things connected with them--but also to endure things unpleasant in respect of bodily contact, such as wounds and blows. Hence the brave man, on one side, has something that affords him delight, namely as regards spiritual pleasure, in the act itself of virtue and the end thereof: while, on the other hand, he has cause for both spiritual sorrow, in the thought of losing his life, and for bodily pain. Hence we read (2 Macc. 6:30) that Eleazar said: "I suffer grievous pains in body: but in soul am well content to suffer these things because I fear Thee."
Now the sensible pain of the body makes one insensible to the spiritual delight of virtue, without the copious assistance of God's grace, which has more strength to raise the soul to the Divine things in which it delights, than bodily pains have to afflict it. Thus the Blessed Tiburtius, while walking barefoot on the burning coal, said that he felt as though he were walking on roses.
Yet the virtue of fortitude prevents the reason from being entirely overcome by bodily pain. And the delight of virtue overcomes spiritual sorrow, inasmuch as a man prefers the good of virtue to the life of the body and to whatever appertains thereto. Hence the Philosopher says (Ethic. ii, 3; iii, 9) that "it is not necessary for a brave man to delight so as to perceive his delight, but it suffices for him not to be sad."
Reply Obj. 1: The vehemence of the action or passion of one power hinders the action of another power: wherefore the pain in his senses hinders the mind of the brave man from feeling delight in its proper operation.
Reply Obj. 2: Deeds of virtue are delightful chiefly on account of their end; yet they can be painful by their nature, and this is principally the case with fortitude. Hence the Philosopher says (Ethic. iii, 9) that "to perform deeds with pleasure does not happen in all virtues, except in so far as one attains the end."
Reply Obj. 3: In the brave man spiritual sorrow is overcome by the delight of virtue. Yet since bodily pain is more sensible, and the sensitive apprehension is more in evidence to man, it follows that spiritual pleasure in the end of virtue fades away, so to speak, in the presence of great bodily pain. _______________________
NINTH
*H And they went through Idumea, and approached to Bethsura, and fought many days, and they made engines: but they sallied forth, and burnt them with fire, and fought manfully.
Ver. 31. Idumea. The passes on the north were probably occupied. — Bethsura lay to the south of Jerusalem. C.
*H And Judas departed from the castle, and removed the camp to Bethzacharam, over against the king's camp.
Ver. 32. Bethzacharam, a defile (Jos.) between the city and Bethsura. Judas abandoned the siege of the castle on Sion. C.
*H And they shewed the elephants the blood of grapes, and mulberries, to provoke them to fight.
Ver. 34. Blood of grapes, or wine, (Deut. xxxii. 14.) and the juice of mulberries incite elephants to fight, as the smell of some sorts of blood causes dogs to hunt. Vales. Phil. lxxxii. W. — This might be done to accustom the elephants to the sight of blood. C. — White colours irritate them most, as red do bulls. Plut. de Fort. Alex. — Sometimes wine and spirits were given them to drink, when they were to trample on criminals: but it was only shewn them when going to battle, as by drinking they lose their strength. Elian, Hist. ii. 40. and xiii. 8. and 3 Mac. v. 30.
*H And upon the beast, there were strong wooden towers which covered every one of them: and engines upon them, and upon every one thirty-two valiant men, who fought from above: and an Indian to rule the beast.
Ver. 37. Thirty-two. Bochart looks upon this and other such accounts as fabulous. He does not determine how many might fight in these towers; but allows that there must have been above two or three, as some would correct the Gr. text, "two or three strong men fighting with darts upon them." An elephant has been known to carry above 5000 pounds, and thirty-two men would weigh no more than 4800. Pliny (viii. 7.) observes that sixty people have been seen upon an elephant. Eupator probably had his from India, where they are larger than in Africa. A person of that country was deemed fittest to manage them.
*H And the rest of the horsemen he placed on this side and on that side, at the two wings, with trumpets to stir up the army, and to hasten them forward that stood thick together in the legions thereof.
Ver. 38. Trumpets. It would seem as if the infantry had none. Yet this does not appear probable. The Greek reads in a different manner. Some copies have "to stir up and enclose them in the defiles," which seems useless; or "to keep them together in the phalanxes," (MS. Alex. C.) as the Vulg. has read. M.
*H Now when the sun shone upon the shields of gold, and of brass, the mountains glittered therewith, and they shone like lamps of fire.
Ver. 39. Gold. The Argyraspides of Alexander had "shields of silver." His successors might surpass this magnificence; or the officers might have golden and the soldiers brazen bucklers.
*H And Judas and his army drew near for battle: and there fell of the king's army six hundred men.
Ver. 42. Six, &c. before the exploit of Eleazer. Others fell afterwards. 2 B. xi. 11. specifies 11,000 foot, and 600 horse. Josephus says 1000 of the vanguard.
*H And Eleazar, the son of Saura, saw one of the beasts harnessed with the king's harness: and it was higher than the other beasts; and it seemed to him that the king was on it:
Ver. 43. Saura. Gr. "Avaron," (C.) Alex. "the Sauaran." H. — He is styled Abaron, (C. ii. 5.) the brother of Judas. C. Jos. Sa. M. — Arab. says "his servant." This feat is attributed to Judas, (2 B. xiii. 15.) as he was general, and approved of, or "commanded" Eleazar to act thus, according to Ben. Gorion, (iii. 20.) and the Arab. — Harness, for greater security. The skin is very hard, except under the belly. C. — Elephants in the army of Antiochus the great, or rather "the coward," were richly adorned. Flor. ii. 8. — Porus, king of India, rode on one covered with gold. Curt. viii.
*H And he exposed himself to deliver his people, and to get himself an everlasting name.
Ver. 44. Name. This motive has made some condemn the exploit. But surely a person may seek to acquire fame, even by exposing himself to danger. Eleazar might well hope that the beast would not fall so suddenly. The other motive specified is truly noble and virtuous, and we cannot condemn this hero without stronger proofs. S. Gregory (Mor. xix. 13.) represents him as a figure of the proud: but he might not therefore be one of the number, (C.) no more than Esau, who was a type of the reprobate. Mal. i. 3. H. — S. Ambrose (Off. i. 40.) highly commends the fortitude of this soldier exposing himself to the danger of death for religion. W. — This is the general sentiment. See Serar. M. T. Grot. jure. iii. 4. a. 18.
*H And he went between the feet of the elephant, and put himself under it: and slew it, and it fell to the ground upon him, and he died there.
Ver. 46. Under it. The rhinoceros attacks the elephant in that most vulnerable part. Pliny viii. 20.
*H Then they seeing the strength of the king and the fierceness of his army, turned away from them.
Ver. 47. Them. Judas thought proper to retire to the temple, which alone was fortified, and in his power. The citadel of Sion held for the king, and the city was defenceless. Only what lay to the north of Bethsura was then called Judea. The Idumeans occupied the rest. Eupator blockaded the temple, and besieged Bethsura, which he took. v. 51. This siege is related more at length, 2 B. xii. 19. It cost the king a great deal. C.
* Footnotes
- A.M. 3841.
*H And he turned his army against the sanctuary for many days: and he set up there battering slings, and engines, and instruments to cast fire, and engines to cast stones and javelins, and pieces to shoot arrows, and slings.
Ver. 51. Battering slings. Lit. balistas. H. See v. 20. — Fire, or the long javelin, falarica, mentioned by Livy xxi.
*H Now Lysias heard that Philip, whom king Antiochus while he lived had appointed to bring up his son Antiochus, and to reign, to be king,
Ver. 55. King. Lysias had thus been displaced. v. 14. C. — Providence permitted that he should seek his own interest, and thus deliver Judas from the most imminent danger.
*H Now, therefore, let us come to an agreement with these men, and make peace with them and with all their nation.
Ver. 58. Come. Lit. "give our right hands," (H.) the sign of the most inviolable engagements among the Persians. Jos. Ant. xvii. ult.
*H And let us covenant with them, that they may live according to their own laws, as before. For because of our despising their laws, they have been provoked, and have done all these things.
Ver. 59. Before, by leave of Cyrus, Alex. &c. — Despising. Gr. "abolished." They had made the attempt.
*H Then the king entered into Mount Sion, and saw the strength of the place: and he quickly broke the oath that he had taken, and gave commandment to throw down the wall round about.
Ver. 62. Oath. Eupator was not above ten years old, (v. 14. 20.) so that Lysias must bear the greatest blame. He seems to have prepossessed the king against Philip, the regent. H.
*H And he departed in haste and returned to Antioch, where he found Philip master of the city: and he fought against him, and took the city.
Ver. 63. City, and slew Philip. Jos. Ant. xii. 15. C. — Read 2 B. xiii. 1. W.